|
"The arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose in Germany in 1941 (during the turbulent
period of World War II) and his anti-British activities in that country in
co-operation with the German government, culminated in the formation of an
Indian legion.
This marks perhaps the most significant event in the annals of
India's fight for independence. This event not only can be regarded as a
historical link-up with what Bose himself chose to describe as "The Great
Revolution of 1857," and which (in his words) "has been incorrectly called by
English historians 'the Sepoy Mutiny,' but which is regarded by the Indian
people as the First War of Independence."[1]
It also represents the historical
fact that, by that time persuasive methods conducted through a non-violent
struggle under the leadership of Gandhi, had failed. An armed assault on the
citadel of the British Empire in India was the only alternative left to deliver
the country from bondage.
While other leaders of the Indian National Congress
fell short of realizing this fact and thus betrayed a lack of pragmatic approach
to the turn of world events that provided India with a golden opportunity to
strike at the British by a force of arms, Bose rose to the needs of the hour and
was quick to seize that opportunity.
While Bose's compatriots in India
remained totally wedded to an ideological creed (non-violence), which at that
time could only serve the British and postpone the advent of independence, and
while their ideological interpretations of the new revolutionary regimes in
Europe-again largely influenced by British propaganda-prevented them from even
harboring any thought of seeking their alliance and co-operation in the struggle
against a common enemy, Subhas Chandra Bose alone had the courage to take the
great plunge, thus risking his own life and reputation, solely in the interest
and cause of his country. In January 1941, while under both house arrest, and
strict British surveillance, he escaped.
After an arduous trek through the
rugged terrains of several countries, with an Italian passport under the assumed
name of Orlando Mazzota - (in which he was aided by underground revolutionaries
and foreign diplomatic agents) -- Bose appeared in Berlin, via Moscow, on 28
March 1941.
Bose was welcome in Germany, although the news of his arrival there was kept
a secret for some time for political reasons. The German Foreign Office, which
was assigned the primary responsibility of dealing with Bose and taking care of
him, had been well informed of the background and political status of the Indian
leader through its pre-war Consulate-General at Calcutta and also by its
representative in Kabul.
Bose himself, naturally some what impatient for getting
into action soon after his arrival in Berlin, submitted a memorandum to the
German government on 9 April 1941 which outlined a plan for co-operation between
the Axis powers and India.
Among other things, it called for the setting up of a
"Free India Government" in Europe, preferably in Berlin; establishment of a Free
India broadcasting station calling upon the Indian people to assert their
independence and rise up in revolt against the British authorities; underground
work in Afghanistan (Kabul) involving independent tribal territories lying
between Afghanistan and India and within India itself for fostering and aiding
the revolution; provision of finances by Germany in the form of a loan to the
Free India government-in-exile; and deployment of German military contingents to
smash the British army in India.
In a supplementary memorandum bearing the same
date, Bose requested that an early pronouncement be made regarding the freedom
of India and the Arab countries.[2]
It is significant to note that the
memorandum did not mention the need for formation of an Indian legion. Evidently
the idea of recruiting the Indian prisoners of war for the purpose of
establishing a nucleus of an Indian national army did not occur to him during
his early days in Berlin.
At that time the German government was in the process of formulating its own
plan for dealing with Subhas Chandra Bose in the best possible manner.
The
Foreign Office felt itself inadequate to discharge this awesome responsibility
without referring the whole matter to Hitler. While this issue was being
considered at the highest level of the government, Bose's own requests as set
forth in the submitted memorandum, made it far too complicated and involved to
be resolved at an early date.
There was a long wait for Bose, during which
period he often tended to become frustrated. Nevertheless, through several
sympathetic officers of the Foreign Office, he continued to press his requests
and put forth new ideas.
Finally, after months of waiting and many moments of disappointment often
bordering on despair for Bose, Germany agreed to give him unconditional and
all-out help.
The two immediate results of this decision were the establishment
of a Free India Center and inauguration of a Free India Radio, both beginning
their operations in November 1941.
These two organizations played vital and
significant roles in projecting Bose's increasing activities in Germany, but a
detailed account of their operation lies outside the purview of this paper. It
should suffice to say that the German government put at Bose's disposal adequate
funds to run these two organizations, and he was allowed complete freedom to run
them the way he liked at his own discretion.
In its first official meeting on 2 November 1941, the Free India Center
adopted four historical resolutions that would serve as guidelines for the
entire movement in subsequent months and years in Europe and Asia.
First, Jai
Hind or Victory to India, would be the official form of salutation; secondly,
Nobel laureate poet Rabindranath Tagore's famous patriotic song Jana Gana Mona
was to be the national anthem for the free India Bose was fighting for; thirdly,
in a multi-lingual state like India, the most widely-spoken language,
Hindustani, was to be the national language; and fourthly, Subhas Chandra Bose
would hereafter be known and addressed as Netaji, the Indian equivalent of the
"leader" or the "Führer."
In November 1941, Azad Hind Radio (or the Free India
Radio) opened its program with an announcing speech by Netaji himself, which, in
fact, was a disclosure of his identity that had been kept officially secret for
so long. The radio programs were broadcast in several Indian languages on a
regular basis.
During this long period of "hibernation," the period between Netaji's arrival
in Berlin and the beginning of operations of the two organizations, it can be
reasonably assumed that the idea of forming an Indian legion that could be
developed into an Indian Army of Liberation in the West, crossed Bose's mind.
He
might even have discussed this matter with his colleagues-the Indian compatriots
in Germany who had joined him-as to how best to implement the idea. However, as
mentioned earlier, his first memorandum submitted to the German Government did
not include any such plan. According to N.G. Ganpuley, who was his associate in
Berlin,
Netaji himself, when he left India, could not have, by any stretch of
imagination, thought of forming a national army unit outside the country,
and therefore he had no definite plans chalked out for its realization. Even
while in Berlin, he could not think of it during the first few months of his
stay there.[3]
When and how, therefore, did he come to conceive such a plan? Mr. Ganpuley
relates an interesting episode in this regard. To quote again from his book:
It was all due to a brain wave of Netaji which started working by a
simple incident. He read one day about some half a dozen Indian
prisoners-of-war who were brought to Berlin by the Radio Department to
listen to the BBC and other stations which sent out their programmes in
Hindustani. He saw them there going about, not as free Indians, but as
prisoners-of-war. They were brought to the Radio Office every day to listen
to and translate the Hindustani programmes, and were sent back to their
quarters escorted by a sentry ... After he had a talk with them about war,
about their captivity and their present life, his active mind started
working... He pondered over it for some time and decided to form a small
national military unit ... No sooner was this decision taken by him ... he
started negotiating with that section of the German Foreign Office with
which he was in constant touch. He put before them his plans for training
Indian youths from the prisoners' camps for a national militia.[4]
Although somewhat skeptical and hesitant at the beginning, the German
response to the plans was encouraging. It was a time psychologically well-chosen
by Netaji.
The allied forces had been defeated on the Continent, and the Wehrmacht was marching ahead successfully in the Soviet Union. It was also a
historical coincidence that a large number of British Indian prisoners-ofwar,
captured during Rommel's blitzkrieg in North Africa, lay in German hands.
Netaji's first idea was to form small parachute parties to spread propaganda in,
and transmit intelligence from, the North-West Frontier in India. The reaction
of some selected prisoners who were brought to Berlin from the camp of Lamsdorf
in Germany and Cyrenaica was so encouraging that he asked for all Indian
prisoners held in North Africa to be brought over to Germany at once.
The
Germans complied with this request, and the prisoners began to be concentrated
at Annaburg camp near Dresden. The recruitment efforts, however, at the onset
met with some opposition from the prisoners, who evidently had misgivings about
Netaji's intentions and motivations. In this regard Hugh Toye writes:
When Bose himself visited the camp in December there was still marked
hostility. His speech was interrupted, and much of what he had to say went
unheard. But private interviews were more encouraging; the men's questions
showed interest-what rank would they receive? What credit would be given for
Indian Army seniority? How would the Legionary stand in relation to the
German soldier? Bose refused to bargain, and some who might have been
influential recruits were turned away. On the other hand, many of the men
paid him homage as a distinguished Indian, several professed themselves
ready to join the Legion unconditionally.[5]
Netaji sought and got agreement from the Germans that the Wehrmacht would
train the Indians in the strictest military discipline, and they were to be
trained in all branches of infantry in using weapons and motorized units the
same way a German formation is trained; the Indian legionaries were not to be
mixed up with any of the German formations; that they were not to be sent to any
front other than in India for fighting against the British, but would be allowed
to fight in self defense at any other place if surprised by any enemy formation;
that in all other respects the Legion members would enjoy the same facilities
and amenities regarding pay, clothing, food, leave, etc., as a German unit.
By
December 1941 all arrangements were complete and the next important task was to
persuade men to come forward and form the nucleus. It appeared that the POWs
needed to be convinced that there were civilian Indian youth as well, studying,
well placed in life and responsible to their families at home, who were ready to
give up everything to join the Legion.
Ten of the forty young Indians then
residing in Berlin, came forward. They were quickly joined by five POWs who were
already in Berlin in connection with the German radio propaganda, and the first
group of fifteen people was thus formed.
On 25 December 1941 a meeting of Indian residents in Berlin was called in the
office of the Free India Center, to give a send-off to the first fifteen who
were to leave the following day for Frankenburg, the first training camp and
headquarters for the Legion. The brief ceremony was simple and solemn. Netaji
blessed the Legion, the first of its kind in the history of the struggle for
Indian independence. He christened it Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army). The
Indian Army of Liberation in the West thus had a humble and modest birth.
The strength of the Legion grew steadily, as the task of recruitment
continued unabated. Once trained to a certain level and discipline, the members
of the first batch were assigned the additional responsibility of visiting the
Annaberg camp and aiding in the recruitment process. While the Legion was sent
to Frankenburg in Saxony, another group was taken to Meseritz in Brandenburg to
be trained in tactical warfare. Abid Hasan and N.G. Swamy, the two original
recruiters whom Netaji had sent to the Annaberg camp in 1941, had become
de-facto foundermembers of the Legion at Frankenburg and the irregular Company
at Meseritz respectively.
At Meseritz, the Indians were placed under the command
of Hauptmarm Harbig, whose first object was to make them forget that they had
been prisoners. There were Tajiks, Uzbeks and Persians as well under training for operational
roles similar to that envisaged for the Indians.
In due course the trainees went
on to tactical operational training, such as wireless operating, demolitions and
riding, and also undertook special mountain and parachute courses. According to Toye, "Morale, discipline and Indo-German relations were excellent, the German
officers first-rate."[6]
Netaji visited the camps from time to time and watched progress of the
trainees. Since he himself was inclined toward military training and discipline,
he followed the German training methods with great interest. It is understood
that while in Germany Netaji himself underwent the rigors of such training,
although authoritative documents on this subject are yet to be located by this
writer.
While in India, he was a member of the University Training Corps at school
and commanded the volunteers at an annual session of the Indian National
Congress, but he never had a formal military education prior to his arrival in
Germany in 1941. As Joyce Lebra writes: "Though Bose was without any previous
military experience, he got his training and discipline German-style, along with
the soldiers of the Indian Legion." 7
To him, formation of a legion was more positive, more nationalistic and more
gratifying than mere radio propaganda. Unlike his ex-compatriots in the Indian
National Congress, including Gandhi, Nehru and Patel, he would rather seek
confrontation with the British-with an army-than to work out a compromise with
them on a conference table, on the issue of India's freedom.
A firm believer in discipline and organization, nothing perhaps could be more
satisfying to him than to see his men being trained by the German Command, with
officers of the highest calibre. In four months, the number of trainees rose to
three hundred. In another six months a further three hundred were added. By
December 1942, exactly a year after the recruitment of the Legion was
inaugurated, it attained the strength of four battalions. At the beginning of
1943 the Legion would be 2000 strong, well on its way up to the culminating
point of 3500 men. But let us step back to early 1942, almost a year after
Netaji's arrival in Berlin.
After the inauguration of the Free India Center, Free India Radio, and the
sending of the first fifteen legionaries to the Frankenburg training camp,
Netaji's activities in Germany began in full swing. His presence in Germany was
not yet officially admitted-he was still being referred to as Signor Orlando
Mazzota or His Excellency Mazzota-but he began to be known to more and more
people in Berlin. Josef Goebbels wrote in his diary on 1 March:
We have succeeded in prevailing upon the Indian nationalist leader, Bose,
to issue an imposing declaration of war against England. It will be
published most prominently in the German press and commented upon. In that
way we shall now begin our official fight on behalf of India, even though we
don't as yet admit it openly.[8]
On 14 March, he remarked of Bose, "He is an excellent worker."[9] The fall of
Singapore was a signal for Netaji to broadcast his first official speech over
the Free India Radio, repeating his vow to fight British imperialism until the
end. This he followed with a declaration of war against England, although at
that stage such a pronouncement could only be symbolic. Netaji had not yet
obtained an Axis declaration in support of the freedom of India that he pressed
for in the supplement of his first memorandum to the German government. That
government was of the opinion that the time was not ripe yet for such a
declaration and unless a pronouncement of this nature could be supported by
military action, it would not be of much value.
Meanwhile, Japan proposed a tripartite declaration on India. Encouraged by
this, Bose met Mussolini in Rome on 5 May, and persuaded him to obtain such a
declaration in favor of Indian independence. Mussolini telegraphed the Germans,
proposing proceeding at once with the declaration. To back his new proposal
Mussolini told the Germans that he had urged Bose to set up a
"counter-government" and to appear more conspicuously. The German reaction,
which still remained guarded, is recorded by Dr. Goebbels in his diary on 11
May:
We don't like this idea very much, since we do not think the time has yet
come for such a political manoeuvre. It does appear though that the Japanese
are very eager for some such step. However, emigre governments must not live
too long in a vacuum. Unless they have some actuality to support them, they
only exist in the realm of theory.[10]
Netaji apparently was of the opinion that a tripartite declaration on Indian
independence, followed up by a government-in-exile, would give some credibility
to his declaration of war on England, push over the brink the imminent
revolution in India, and legitimize the Indian legion. However, Hitler held a
different view. During an interview at the Führer's field headquarters on 29
May, he told Netaii that a well-equipped army of a few thousand could control
millions of unarmed revolutionaries, and there could be no political change in
India until an external power knocked at her door. Germany could not yet do
this.
To convince Netaji, he took him to a wall map, pointed to the German
positions in Russia and to India. The immense distances were yet to be bridged
before such a declaration could be made. The world would consider it premature,
even coming from him, at this stage. Hitler was perhaps being realistic, but
nevertheless it must have come as some sort of disappointment for Netaji.
In July 1942, the Germans suggested that a contingent of the Irregular
Company be sent for front-line propaganda against Indian troops at El Alamein;
but Rommel, who did not like battlefields turned into proving grounds for
Foreign Office ideas, opposed the move. However, at the Lehrregiment manoeuvers
in September, and on field exercises in October, the Indian performance won high
praise.
By January 1943, it was realized that maintenance of the irregulars as a
separate entity was not of much practical use, and the ninety Indian men,
(excepting four under N.G. Swamy who were being trained for work within Indiaj
were absorbed into the Legion. Since the supply of recruits from the Annaburg
camp was fast being depleted, it was decided to hasten the shipment of prisoners
of war from Italy.
According to an agreement between Italy and Germany, all Indian POWs were to
be sent directly to Germany without being held in Italian camps. But, in the
meanwhile, an unforseen impediment stood in the way. A long-time Indian resident
in Rome, Iqbal Shedai, formed an Indian unit under the Italians, and began
broadcasting from Rome with the aid of a few Indian prisoners.
It is understood that he had conferred with Netaji a few times, but obviously
had no intention of co-operating with him. From radio broadcasting, he advanced
into forming an Indian military unit, although it was in clear violation of the
Italo-German agreement. The unit was named the Centro Militare India, but
existed only from April to November 1942.
During its brief period of existence, however, Shedai succeeded in diverting
several hundred volunteers to Italian camps, who would normally have gone to
Germany. In November the unit was three hundred and fifty strong, having been
trained by Italian officers. On 9 November, after the Allied landing in North
Africa, it was learnt that the men were being sent to fight in Libya, contrary
to Shedai's promises. When they refused to go and mutinied, Shedai refused to
intervene. Consequently, the Centro Militare India was disbanded. It was never
revived, and thus a barrier that stood in Netaji's way toward recruitment was
removed.
In August 1942, the Legion was moved to Koenigsbrueck, a large military
training center in Saxony. This had been a regular training ground for the
German infantry and motorized units for decades. Here the first contingents
paraded before Netaji's eyes in October, and the growth was rapid. However, the
rapid expansion of the Legion also posed the problem of finances.
Hitherto, payment to soldiers was being made from the monthly grants to the
Free India Center and its office. As the number of Legionaries grew, that source
became insufficient. For this problem there could be but one solution: direct
payment to the Legion b~ the Germans.
This would mean hereafter that the Legionaries would receive promotions and
precedence as soldiers of national socialist Germany, and would become, in fact,
a regiment of the German army, while retaining its separate name and
distinction. This was agreed upon between Netaji and the German government,
necessitating the taking of a formal oath of loyalty to Adolph Hitler on the
part of the Legionaries. Describing the ceremony, Hugh Toye writes:
Five hundred Legionaries were assembled. Their German commander,
Lieutenant-Colonel Krappe, addressed them, and the oath was administered by
German officers to six men at a time. All was done with solemnity, the
soldiers touching their officer's sword as they spoke the German words: 'I
swear by God this holy oath, that I will obey the leader of the German State
and people, Adolph Hitler, as commander of the German Armed Forces, in the
fight for freedom of India, in which fight the leader is Subhas Chandra
Bose, and that as a brave soldier, I am willing to lay down my life for this
oath.' Bose presented to the Legion its standard, a tricolor in the green,
white and saffron of the Indian National Congress, superimposed with the
figure of a springing tiger in place of the Congress spinning wheel. "Our
names," he said, "will be written in gold letters in the history of free
India; every martyr in this holy war will have a monument there." It was a
brave, colorful show, and for Bose, a moment of pride and emotion. "I shall
lead the army," he said, "when we march to India together." The Legionaries
looked well in their new uniforms, the silken banner gleaming in their
midst; their drill did them credit.[11]
What was Netaji's plan for leading this army to India? When the Germans
launched out beyond Stalingrad into Central Asia, the Indian irregulars, trained
at Messeritz, would accompany their Tajik and Uzbek counterparts along with the
German Troops.
After Uzbekistan and Afghanistan were reached the Indian Company would leap
ahead of the German advance to disrupt the British-Indian defenses in
northwestern India. Netaji spoke of dropping parachute brigades, calling on the
Indian peasantry to assist them. Through radio he issued warnings to British
Indian soldiers and police to the effect that unless they assisted the
liberation forces they would one day have to answer to the free Indian
government for their criminal support of the British.
The effect of the Indian army of liberation marching into India along with
the German forces would be such that the entire British Indian Army morale would
collapse, coinciding with a revolutionary uprising against the British. The
Legion would then be the nucleus of an expanding army of free India.
Netaji's plan, largely dependent on German Military successes in the Soviet
Union, undoubtedly had a setback when the Wehrmacht was halted at Stalingrad.
After the German retreat from that city, the plan for marching into India from
the West had to be abandoned. The tide of war was turning swiftly, calling for
devising new strategies on the part of Netaji.
While the German army's second thrust into Russia encountered an unexpected
counter-offensive at Stalingrad and thus was forced to turn back, in another
part of the world the forces of another Axis partner were forging ahead, nearer
and nearer to India.
Japan was achieving spectacular successes in the Far East and was ready to
welcome Netaji as the leader of millions of Indians who lived in the countries
of East and Southeast Asia. To Netaji, the Japanese attitude was extremely
encouraging. Tolo, the Prime Minister, had issued statements in the Diet about
Indian freedom early in 1942, and by March there was a Japanese proposal for a
tripartite declaration on India.
A small band of Indian National Army legionaires had already been in
existence in the Southeast under Japanese patronage, although a few of its
leaders, including Mohan Singh, had fallen out with the Japanese. Netaji would
have no difficulty in reorganizing and expanding this organization.
He would get the active support of millions of overseas Indians, and the many
thousands of British Indian prisoners-of-war would provide him a greater
opportunity for recruitment, and for thus organizing a formidable army of
liberation that could immediately be deployed in forward positions as the
Imperial Japanese Army kept on advancing through the steaming jungles of the
Malayan peninsula and Burma. During his meeting with Hitler on 29 May, the
Führer had also suggested that in view of the prevalent world situation, Netaji
should shift the center of his activities from Germany to the Far East.
Netaji could look back at his two years work in Germany with a sense of pride
and accomplishment. Broadcasting, publications and propaganda were all extended.
Azad Hind Radio had extended programs in several languages, and reports
indicated that they were being listened to with interest in target areas; Azad
Hind, a bilingual journal, was being published regularly.
There were other papers for the Legion besides; the Free India Center had
attained an acknowledged status in Germany. It was treated as a foreign mission,
entitling its members to a higher scale of rations, and exemption from some of
the Aliens' regulations. Netaji himself was given a good villa, a car and
special rations for entertainment purposes. His personal allowance amounted to
about eight hundred pounds a month.
The monthly grant for the Free India Center rose from 1,200 pounds in 1941 to
3,200 pounds in 1944. All these Netaji stipulated as a loan from the German
government, to be returned after India gained independence with the Axis
assistance. However, the turn of events now demanded his presence in a different
theater-of-war.
What would happen to the Legion in Netaji's absence? It was now 3,500 strong,
well trained and equipped, ready for action. Netaii consulted with his aides in
Berlin. A.C.N. Nambiar, an Indian journalist who had been in Europe for some
eighteen years prior to Netaji's arrival in Germany, was his right-hand man.
While preparing for his journey to the Asian theater-of-war, Netaji passed on to
Nambiar his policy and instructions. As Hugh Toye writes:
There were plans for new branches of the Free India Center, for
broadcasting, for Indians to study German police methods, and for the
training of Indian seamen and airmen. As for the legion, it must be used
actively as soon as possible, the German officers and NCOs must be quickly
replaced by Indians, there must be no communalism. Legionaries were to be
trained on all the most modern German equipment, including heavy artillery
and tanks; Bose would send further instructions as opportunity offered.[12]
A few words must be added regarding the Indo-German cooperation and
comradeship during the critical days of World War II when the Legion was formed.
None could describe it better than Adalbert Seifriz, who was a German Officer in
the training camp of the Legionaries. He writes,
Agreeing to the proposal of Bose was a magnificient concession and
consideration shown to the great personality of Bose by the German
Government in those critical times when all German efforts were concentrated
on the war ... The mutual understanding and respect between Indians and
Germans and the increasing contact between them in the interest of the
common task made it possible for the Indian Legion to sustain and keep up
discipline right up to the German capitulation in 1945. During the period of
training and even afterwards the comradeship between Indians and Germans
could not be destroyed ... A meeting with Subhas Bose was a special event
for the German training staff.-We spent many evenings with him, discussing
the future of India. He lives in the minds of the training staff members as
an idealistic and fighting personality, never sparing himself in the service
of his people and his country ... The most rewarding fact was the real
comradeship which grew between Indians and Germans, which proved true in
dangerous hours, and exists still today in numerous cases. The Indian Legion
was a precious instrument in strengthening and consolidating Indo-German
friendship.[13]
A report of Hitler's visit to the Indian Legion headquarters in Dresden was
given by Shantaram Vishnu Samanta (one of the Legionaries) during a press
interview in India, after his release from an internment camp. According to his
statement, Hitler addressed the soldiers of the Legion after Netaji had left for
East Asia. He spoke in German and his speech was translated into Hindustani by
an interpreter. He said:
You are fortunate having been born in a country of glorious cultural
traditions and a colossal manpower. I am impressed by the burning passion
with which you and your Netaji seek to liberate your country from foreign
domination. Your Netaji's status is even greater than mine. While I am the
leader of eighty million Germans, he is the leader of 400 million Indians.
In all respects he is a greater leader and a greater general than myself. I
salute him, and Germany salutes him. It is the duty of all Indians to accept
him as their führer and obey him implicitly. I have no doubt that if you do
this, his guidance will lead India very soon to freedom.
A statement by another soldier of the Indian Legion, who remains anonymous,
has a somewhat different version. It stated that both Netaji and Hitler took a
joint salute of the Indian Legion and a German infantry. In addition to comments
cited earlier, Hitler was reported to have made these remarks as well:
German civilians, soldiers and free Indians! I take this opportunity to
welcome your acting Führer, Herr Subhas Chandra Bose. He has come here to
guide all those free Indians who love their country and are determined to
free it from foreign yoke. It is too much for me to dare to give you any
instructions or advice because you are sons of a free country, and you would
naturally like to obey implicitly the accredited leader of your own land.
[14]
However, reports of Hitler's visit and address to the Indian Legionaries are
not confirmed from any other source.
Netaji would be leaving Germany on 8 February 1943. On 26 January,
"Independence Day for India," there was a great party in Berlin where hundreds
of guests drank his health. On 28 January, which was set aside for observance as
the "Legion Day" in honor of the Indian Legion, he addressed the Legion for the
last time. It is believed that his departure was kept secret from his army.
So, there were no visible emotions among the men; no gesture of a farewell.
The impression Netaji was leaving at the Free India Center, was that he was
going on a prolonged tour. So there were no signs of any anxiety. Except for a
few top-ranking German officers and his closest aides, hardly anybody was aware
that within a week-and-a-half he would be embarking on the most perilous journey
ever undertaken by man; a submarine voyage through mine-infested waters to the
other side of the world. In his absence, Nambiar settled down in his job as his
successor and soon gained respect of the Legionaries.
Two months after Netaii's departure, as a result of discussion between the
German Army Command and the Free India Center, it was decided to transfer the
Legion from Koenigsbrueck to a coastal region in Holland, to involve it in a
practical coastal defense training. It was also in accordance with Netaji's
Wishes. He had often expressed a desire to give his troops, whenever possible,
some training in coastal defense.
After the first battalion was given a hearty send-off, an untoward incident
happened within the legion; two companies of the second battalion refused to
move. It was soon found out that there were three main reasons for staging this
minor rebellion.
Some Legionaries were unhappy that they were not promoted, but
their names had to be put on the waiting list; some simply did not want to leave Koenigsbrueck; some were influenced by a rumor that Netaji had abandoned them
and had gone off leaving them entirely in German hands, who were now going to
use them in the Western Front, instead of sending them to the East to fight for
India's liberation.
However, the rebellion was soon quelled after a team of NCOs visited the
officials of the Free India Center in Berlin and obtained clarification
regarding the rebel Legionaries' grievances.
The team went back to the camp and assured the men that they were not being
sent to fight a war but were there purely for practical training purposes
according to Netaji's wishes; that the promotions were not being passed up, they
would follow in due course; and that Netaji had not abandoned them, and they
would be informed about his whereabouts and plans as soon as possible. In
pursuance of military discipline, the ringleaders of this act of insubordination
were sent to prison camps for a specified period.
The Legion was stationed in the coastal areas of Holland for five months.
Afterwards, there was a decision to move it to the coastal area of Bordeaux in
France from the mouth of the Girond, opposite the fortification of Foyan to the
Bay of Arcachon.
The Legion was taking charge here. The stay in France was utilized to give
the Legionaries a thorough training in the weaponry required for the defense of
the Atlantic Wall. In the spring of 1944, the first batch of twelve Indians were
promoted to officers. Field Marshal Rommel, who took charge of the Atlantic
Wall, once visited the area where the Indian contingent was located. Ganpulay
writes:
... after having seen the work carried out by the Indians,, he exclaimed:
"I am pleasantly surprised to find that in spite of very little training in
coastal defense, the work done here is fairly satisfactory." While
departing, he said to the Indian soldiers: "I am glad to see you have done
good work; I wish you and your leader all the good luck!"[15]
In the spring of 1944, one company of the Legion was sent to North Italy at
the request of some officers who were seeking an opportunity to confront the
British forces. After the Normandy invasion by the Allied forces in June 1944,
the military situation in Europe began to deteriorate. It eventually became so
critical that the German High Command decided to order the Indian Legion to
return to Germany.
So after about ten months of stay in the coastal region of Lacanau in France,
the Indian Legion started its road back. It is to be understood at this point
that with the landing of the Allied troops in France and their gradual advance
through the French countryside, the French Maquis (underground) guerrillas had
become very active, and along with the German troops they made the Legionaries
as well the target of their attacks.
After travelling a certain distance, the first battalion of the Legion was
temporarily located in the area of Mansle near Poitiers, while the second and
the third battalion were stationed in Angouleme and Poitiers respectively. After
a rest for ten days in this region, during which period they had to ward off
sporadic attacks by the French underground, the Legionaries took to the road
once again. In this long march back to Germany, the Legion demonstrated
exemplary courage and fortitude, and underwent rigors and hardships of
battlefield with equanimity.
At this time, British propaganda was directed to these men which was full of
empty promises; some material was dropped from the air, while agents infiltrated
into the ranks to persuade the men to desert. The propaganda promised the
would-be deserters reinstatement in the British Indian army with full
retroactive pay and pension, but the British hypocrisy was once again manifest
in the fact that a few of the soldiers who had fallen victim to this bait were
shot later by the French publicly in a market place in Poitiers without any
trial, along with some German prisoners-of-war.
In following the saga of the Indian Army of Liberation in the West, one has
to remember that its fate was indissolubly linked with that of the Axis powers
in Europe, especially Germany. The overpowering of the new revolutionary regimes
of Europe by forces representing an alliance of capitalism and Marxism was an
international tragedy which engulfed the Indian Legion in Europe as well.
During its retreat into Germany, it encountered the enemy forces on several
occasions and fought rearguard action with British and French forces, displaying
exemplary bravery. The German military training had converted the regiment not
only into a highly disciplined body, but a hard-core fighting unit as well.
It is indeed a historical irony that this superb force could not be utilized
for the purpose and way its creator and leader, Subhas Chandra Bose, had dreamt
of. Nevertheless, the 950th Indian Regiment, as the Legion was officially
designated, left its footprints in the battlefields of France and Germany, as
their many other gallant comrades of the German Army.
In the fall of 1944 until Christmas, the Indian Legion spent its time in the
quiet villages of southern Germany. Between Christmas and the New Year 1945, the
unit was ordered to move into the military camp at the garrison town of Heuberg.
In the spring of 1945 the Allied forces crossed the Rhine. The Russians entered
the East German provinces murdering and plundering cities, townships and
villages. Heavy bomber formations began destroying German cities.
Transport systems became completely disorganized and paralyzed. The end was
near, and there was no point in remaining in the barracks. The Legion,
therefore, left its winter quarters at Heuberg in March 1945, and headed for the
Alpine passes. By that time all communications with the Free India Center in
Berlin had been cut off. The Legion commanders took decisions independently.
The Legion had already reached the Alpine regions east of Bodensee. However,
with the surrender of the German forces on 7 May, all hopes also ended for the
Free India Army. While attempting to cross over to Switzerland, the legionaries
were overwhelmed by American and French units and were made prisoners. Those who
fell into the hands of the French had to suffer very cruel treatment. Several
were shot, while others died in prison camps in miserable conditions. The rest
were eventually handed over to the British.
Although thus swept into the maelstrom of the Axis disintegration in Europe,
Netaji's army of liberation in the west had carved for itself a niche in
history; for, indeed, it was a nucleus which would eventually precipitate a much
larger fighting force elsewhere.
Inspired by its leader, that force would march into India to set in motion a
process that would eventually deliver the country from an alien bondage. One,
therefore, must not regard the saga of the Indian National Army in Europe as an
isolated event that ended tragically.
While its dream of crossing the Caucasus along with its allies, the German
Armed Forces, and entering India from the Northwest, did not materialize in
reality, its extension and successor, India's army of liberation in the east,
did enter the country from the opposite direction, thus fulfilling the cherished
dream of Netaji and his soldiers. Not only that, as we shall see subsequently,
but that army made the mightiest contribution toward finally ending an
imperialist rule in India.
During his interview with Netaji, Hitler had suggested to him that since it
would take at least another one or two years before Germany could gain direct
influence in India, and while Japan's influence, in view of its spectacular
successes in Southeast Asia, could come in a few months, Bose should negotiate
with the Japanese.
The Führer warned Bose against an air journey which could compel him to a
forced landing in British territory. He thought Bose was too important a
personality to let his life be endangered by such an experiment. Hitler
suggested that he could place a German submarine at his disposal which would
take him to Bangkok on a journey around the Cape of Good Hope.[16]
However, despite Hitler's suggestions, it is believed that the German Foreign
Office showed some reluctance in the matter of Netaji's leaving Germany and
going to Japan. Col. Yamamoto Bin, Japanese military attache in Berlin (and a
good personal friend of Netaji) along with the Japanese ambassador
Lieutenant-General Oshima Hiroshi, had met Netaji as early as October 1941 when
the latter expressed hopes for enlisting Japanese aid in his plan for wresting
Indian independence. This was the beginning of a series of such meetings.
After the entry of Japan in World War II in December, Netaji was more eager
to go as soon as possible to East Asia and fight beside Japan for India's
liberation. He reportedly urged Oshima to use his good offices to secure his
passage to Asia. It was about at this point that both Oshima and Yamamoto
encountered a feeling of reluctance in the matter on the part of the German
Foreign Office.
They had the feeling that Germany was not to willing to let Japan lead India
to independence. Bose was already a useful ally as an Indian patriot, and his
propaganda broadcasts were effective in both India and Britain. The Indian
Legion was already having a psychological impact in India and worrying the
Allies. For these reasons, "they were guarding Bose like a tiger cub."[17]
In the meantime, Ambassador Oshima had also met with Hitler and explained
Bose's plan to him. According to Japanese records,
The Führer readily agreed with Oshima that it was better for Bose to
shift his activities to Southeast Asia now that his country's (Japan's)
armies had overrun the area. The second problem was whether Bose would get
enough support in Tokyo for his activities. On this, Oshima had contacted
Tokyo many times but had not received any firm answer. Finally, Tokyo
replied to Oshima that in principle it had no objection to Bose's visit to
Japan. The third problem was to provide Bose with a safe means of transport
to Japan. Communication between Germany and Japan was impossible during
those days. Passage by boat was ruled out; and it was decided to use a plane
belonging to the Lufthansa Company to airlift Bose from Germany to Japan via
the Soviet Union. Tojo (Japanese Prime Minister) objected to this on the
grounds that this would amount to a breach of trust with the Soviet Union.
An attempt was made by both Yamamoto and Bose to get an Italian plane, but
this also did not work. Finally the choice fell on a submarine. Germany
agreed to carry Bose up to a certain unknown point in the east and asked
that a Japanese submarine be pressed into service thence forward. After a
series of exchanges with his government, Oshima finally obtained Tokyo's
approval of the plan and communicated it to Bose.[18]
Alexander Werth writes:
An interesting anecdote related to this historic journey may perhaps be
mentioned here. Shortly before Bose's departure the Japanese Naval Command
raised objections because of an internal Japanese regulation not permitting
civilians to travel on a warship in wartime. When Adam von Trott (of the
German Foreign Office) received this message by cable from the German
Ambassador in Tokyo, he sent the following reply: "Subhas Chandra Bose is by
no means a private person, but Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Liberation
Army." Thus the bureaucratic interference was overcome.[19]
On 8 February 1943, accompanied by Keppler, Nambiar and Werth, Netaji arrived
at the port of Kiel where a German submarine under the command of Werner
Musenberg was waiting for him. His would-be sole companion on this perilous
voyage, Abid Hasan had travelled separately to Kiel in a special compartment
without knowing his destination. Only after commencement of the journey was he
to be informed of the itinerary. Netaji was leaving behind his chosen 3,500
soldiers of the Indian Legion, the 950th regiment of the German Army, specially
trained and equipped for the task of liberating an India held in bondage by the
British. We have already followed the history and fate of the Legion. Now let us
turn to the East.
Indian National Army of Liberation in the East
On 15 February 1942, Singapore fell to the Japanese army advancing southward
from the Malayan peninsula. Two days later, in an impressive ceremony held at
Farrar Park in the heart of the town, Indian troops were handed over to the
Japanese as prisoners-of-war by their commanding officer, Colonel Hunt.
Major Fujiwara took them over on behalf of the victorious Japanese, and then
announced that he was handing them over to Captain Mohan Singh of the Indian
contingents, who should be obeyed by them as their Supreme Commander. Mohan
Singh then spoke to the Indian POWs, expressing his intention of raising an
Indian national army out of them to fight for India's freedom.
He held a preliminary discussion with some prominent Indians in Malay and
Burma in a meeting in Singapore on 9 and 10 March, which was attended by
Rashbehari Bose, a veteran Indian revolutionary exile living in Japan for the
last quarter of a century. Bose then called a conference in Tokyo, which was
held 28-30 March.
The delegates representing several East and Southeast Asian countries present
at the conference, decided to form the Indian Independence League to organize an
Indian independence movement in East Asia. Bose was recognized as head of the
organization.
The conference further resolved that "militay action against the British in
India will be taken only by the INA and under Indian command, together with such
military, naval and air cooperation and assistance as may be requested from the
Japanese by the Council of Action" and further, "after the liberation of India,
the framing of the future constitution of India will be left entirely to the
representatives of the people of India."[20]
On 15 June 1942, a conference opened in Bangkok with over a hundred delegates
of the IIL attending from all over Asia. By the close of the nine-day conference
a resolution was unanimously adopted setting forth the policies of the
independence movement in East Asia. The III, was proclaimed the organization to
work for India's freedom; the Indian National Army was declared the military arm
of the movement with Mohan Singh as the Commander-in-chief and Rashbehari Bose
was elected president of the Council of Action.
It was further decided that Singapore would be the headquarters of the IIL.
Netaji had stated in a message to the conference that his personal experience
had convinced him that Japan, Italy and Germany were sworn enemies of British
imperialism; yet, independence could come only through the efforts of Indians
themselves. India's freedom would mean the rout of British imperialism. The
Indian National Army was officially inaugurated in September 1942.
Unfortunately, at this point a distrust began to grow within the Indian group
against Rashbehari Bose's leadership. Some thought that having been long
associated with Japan, he gave precedence to the Japanese interests over Indian
interests. According to Japanese records:
Some even thought that he was just the protege of the Japanese, and that
the latter was exploiting Indians for their own ends. Such resentment
finally resulted in a revolt of a group of leaders headed by Captain Mohan
Singh within the INA in November 1942. As a consequence, Mohan Singh and his
associate, Colonel Gill were both arrested by the Japanese and the Indian
Army was disbanded. However, in 1943 a new Indian Army was organized, put
under the command of Lt. Col. Bhonsle, who held this post until the final
dissolution of the army. [21]
Describing the revived INA. Joyce Lebra writes:
On 15 February 1943, the INA was reorganized and former ranks and badges
revived. The Director of the Military Bureau, Lieutenant-Colonel Bhonsle,
was clearly placed under the authority of the III. to avoid any repetition
of IIIANA rivalry. Under Bhonsle was Lt. Col. Shah Nawaz Khan as Chief of
General Staff-, Major P.K. Sahgal as Military Secretary; Major Habibur
Rahman as commandant of the Officers' Training School; and Lt. Col. A.C.
Chatterji, and later Major A.D. Jahangir, as head of enlightenment and
culture. Apart from this policy-forming body was the Army itself, under the
command of Lt. Col. M.Z. Kiani. This was the organization which held the INA
together until the arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose from Berlin, six months
later.[22]
In February, the Japanese military officer Iwakuro had called a meeting of
about three hundred officers of the INA at Bidadri camp in Singapore and spoke
to them about the advisability of joining the army, but with no effect.
According to Ghosh, "Later on, in a 'Heart to heart talk' with some officers, it
emerged that a large number of officers and men would be willing to continue in
the INA on the express condition that Netaji would be coming to Singapore."[23]
The story of Netaji's exploits in Germany and the history of the Indian
Legion was known to Indian revolutionaries of the IIL in East Asia for some time
now, and they awaited his arrival eagerly. As the first INA wavered, faltered
and was finally disbanded, and as its successor merely continued to exist, the
need for Netaji's leadership began to be felt more keenly. Mohan Singh had
mentioned his name to General Fujiwara as early as 1941. In all conferences the
need of his guidance had been emphasized by the delegates.
While Netaji and Abid Hasan continued to push toward the East making a wide
sweep out into the Atlantic, by pre-arrangement, a Japanese submarine left
Penang Island on 20 April for the tip of Africa, under strict orders not to
attack or risk detection. The two submarines had a rendevous four hundred miles
south-southwest of Madagascar on 26 April. After sighting each other and
confirming their identity, the submarines waited for a day for the sea to become
calm.
Then on 28 April, in what was known to be the only known
submarine-to-submarine transfer of passengers (in the annals of World War II) in
an area dominated by the enemy's air and naval strength, Netaji and Abid Hasan
were transhipped into the Japanese submarine via a rubber raft. Travelling
across the ocean, the Japanese 1-29 reached Sabang on 6 May, 1943. It was an
isolated offshore islet north of Sumatra.
There, Netaji was welcomed by Colonel Yamamoto, who was the head of the
Hikari Kikan, the Japanese-Indian liaison group. From Sabang, Netaji and
Yamamoto left for Tokyo by plane, stopping en route at Penang, Manila, Saigon
and Taiwan.
The plane landed in Tokyo on 16 May. All throughout his submarine voyage from
Germany and for about a month after his arrival in Tokyo, Netaji's identity and
presence was kept a secret. He was supposed to be a Japanese VIP named Matsuda.
Although he remained incognito during the first few weeks in Japan, Netaji
did not waste any time by just waiting. From 17 May onwards, he met Japanese
Army and Navy Chiefs-of-Staff, Navy Minister and Foreign Minister in rapid
succession. However, he had to wait for nearly three weeks before Japanese
PrimeMinister Tojo granted him an interview.
But Tojo was so impressed with Netaji's personality that he offered to meet
him again after four days. Two days later, on 16 June, Netaji was invited to
visit the Diet (the Japanese Parliament) where Tojo surprised him with his
historic declaration on India:
We are indignant about the fact that India is still under the ruthless
suppression of Britain and are in full sympathy with her desperate struggle
for independence. We are determined to extend every possible assistance to
the cause of India's independence. It is our belief that the day is not far
off when India will enjoy freedom and prosperity after winning
independence.[24]
It was not until 18 June that Tokyo Radio announced Netaji's arrival. The
news was reported in the Tokyo press the following day. At this announcement,
the atmosphere was electrified overnight. The Axis press and radio stressed the
significance of the event.
The INA and the Indian independence movement suddenly assumed far greater
importance in the eyes of all. On 19 June, Netaji held a press conference. This
was followed by two broadcasts to publicize further his presence in East Asia,
and during the course of these he unfolded his plan of action.
As Ghosh describes, Bose's plan stood for the co-ordination of the
nationalist forces within India and abroad to make it a gigantic movement
powerful enough to overthrow the British rulers of India. The assumption on
which Bose seemed to have based his grand scheme was that the internal
conditions in India were ripe for a revolt. The no-cooperation movement must
turn into an active revolt.[25]
And to quote Netaji's own words during the press conference: "Civil
disobedience must develop into armed struggle. And only when the Indian people
have received the baptism of fire on a large scale would they be qualified to
achieve freedom."[26] Netaji then embarked upon a series of meetings, press
conferences. radio broadcasts and lectures in order to explain his immediate
task to the people concerned, and the world.
Accompanied by Rashbehari Bose, Netaji arrived at Singapore from Tokyo on 27
June. He was given a tumultuous welcome by the resident Indians and was
profusely 'garlanded' wherever he went. His speeches kept the listeners
spellbound. By now, a legend had grown around him, and its magic infected his
audiences. Addressing representatives of the Indian communities in East Asia on
4 July he said:
Not content with a civil disobedience campaign, Indian people are now
morally prepared to employ other means for achieving their liberation. The
time has therefore come to pass on to the next stage of our campaign. All
organizations whether inside India or outside, must now transform themselves
into a disciplined fighting organization under one leadership. The aim and
purpose of this organization should be to take up arms against British
imperialism when the time is ripe and signal is given.[27]
At a public meeting where Netaji spoke these words, Rashbehari Bose formally
handed over to Subhas Chandra Bose the leadership of the III, and command of the
INA. The hall was packed to capacity. In his last speech as leader of the
movement Rashbehari Bose said:
Friends! This is one of the happiest moments in my life. I have brought
you one of the most outstanding personalities of our great Motherland to
participate in our campaign. In your presence today, I resign my office as
president of the Indian Independence League in East Asia. From now on,
Subhas Chandra Bose is your president, your leader in the fight for India's
independence, and I am confident that under his leadership, you will march
on to battle and to victory.[28]
In that meeting Netaji announced his plan to organize a Provisional
Government of Free India.
It will be the task of this provisional government to lead the Indian
Revolution to its successful conclusion ... The Provisional Government will
have to prepare the Indian people, inside and outside India, for an armed
struggle which will be the culmination of all our national efforts since
1883. We have a grim fight ahead of us. In this final march to freedom, you
will have to face danger, thirst, privation, forced marches-and death. Only
when you pass this test will freedom be yours.[29]
The next day, on 5 July, Netaji took over the command of the Indian National
Army, now christened Azad Hind Fauj (Free India Army). Tojo arrived from Manila
in time to review the parade of troops standing alongside with Bose. Addressing
the soldiers, Netaji said:
Throughout my pubic career, I have always felt that, though India is
otherwise ripe for independence in every way, she has lacked one thing,
namely, an army of liberation. George Washington of America could fight and
win freedom, because he had his army. Garibaldi could liberate Italy because
he had his armed volunteers behind him. It is your privilege and honor to be
the first to come forward and organize India's national army.
By doing so you have removed the last obstacle in our path to freedom...
When France declared war on Germany in 1939 and the campaign began, there
was but one cry which rose from the lips of German soldiers- "To Paris! To
Paris!" When the brave soldiers of Nippon set out on their march in December
1941, there was but one cry which rose from their lips-"To Singapore! To
Singapore!" Comrades! My soldiers! Let your battle-cry be-"To Delhi! To
Delhil"
How many of us will individually survive this war of freedom, I do not
know. But I do know this, that we shall ultimately win and our task will not
end until our surviving heroes hold the victory parade on another graveyard
of the British Empire-Lal Kila or the Red Fortress of ancient Delhi.[30]
On 27 July, Netaji left Singapore for a 17-day,tour of the East Asian and
Southeast Asian countries. The prime objective of this tour was to enlist moral
and monetary support for his movement from other countries, as well as the
resident Indian communities. He was given a rousing reception in Rangoon, where
he attended the Burmese independence on 1 August; from Rangoon Netaji went to
Bangkok and met Thai Prime Minister Pilbulsongram.
He won the moral support of Thailand and tumultuous ovation from the Indian
community. He then flew to Saigon and addressed Indians there. Returning to
Singapore for a brief rest, he flew to Penang to address a rally of 15,000
Indians. Everywhere, he held his audience spellbound for hours with his superb
oratory, and at the conclusion of his speech the people raced to reach the
platform and pile up all they had before him-a total of two million dollars.
This scene was repeated over and over in towns and cities all over Southeast
Asia, when Netaji stood before thousands of people like a prophet, addressing
them for the cause of India's freedom. Merchants, traders, businessmen and women
came forward everywhere and donated their wealth and ornaments in abundance, to
enable their leader to fulfill his mission. In his plan for total mobilization,
Netaji had outlined a grandiose scheme for an army of three million men.
However, the immediate target was set at 50,000. The Major part of this number
would be from the Indian POWs and the rest from civilian volunteers.
According to Bose's plan there would be three divisions from thirty thousand
regulars and another unit of twenty thousand mainly from civilian volunteers.
The Japanese authorities informea Netaji at that time that it could provide arms
for thirty thousand men only. However, by 1945, it was authoritatively known
that the actual strength of the INA rose to not less than | 
Bose: the Forgotten Hero - The Film at Youtube
'‘No
real change in history has ever been achieved by discussions... Freedom is not given, it is taken.. One individual may die for
"The time has come when I can openly tell the whole world, including our enemies,
as to how it is proposed to bring about national liberation. Indians outside India,
particularly Indians in East Asia, are going to organise a fighting force which will be
powerful enough to attack the British Army in India. When we do so, a revolution will
break out, not only among the civil population at home, but also among the Indian Army
which is now standing under the British flag. When the British government is thus attacked
from both sides - from inside India and from outside - it will collapse, and the
Indian people will then regain their liberty. According to my plan, it is not even
necessary to bother about the attitude of the Axis powers towards India. If Indians
outside and inside India will do their duty, it is possible for the Indian people to throw
the British out of India and liberate 388 millions of their countrymen." -
Speech
by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose at a mass rally, Singapore, 9 July 1943