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Kumaraswamy Kamaraj - Karma Veerar
15 July 1903 - 2 October 1975
 "Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a
bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time
politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and
things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his
party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English
and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely
popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and
leads a simple life. Above all he is the 'representative' Tamil as most
Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and
dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar
ways with nothing outlandish about them"
" சொத்து சுகம் நாடார் , சொந்தந்தனை
நாடார்
பொன்னென்றும் நாடார், பொருள் நாடார், தான்பிறந்த
அன்னையையும் நாடார், ஆசைதனை நாடார்,
நாடொன்றே நாடித்தன் நலமொன்றும் நாடாத
நாடாரை நாடென்றார்."
KaNNa DhAsan
on KAmarAja n^AdAr (காமராஜ நாடார்)
From the Economics & Political Weekly Commentary by
Y Vincent Kumaradoss - April 24, 2004:
The political career of Kumaraswamy Kamaraj (1903-1975) spanning about 50
years, cutting across the colonial and post-independent phases, of Indian
history, is indeed an enviable record. Representing a novel political
culture neither bordering on Gandhian thought and action nor possessing the
anglicised sophistication and cosmopolitanism of the Nehruvian vision,
Kamaraj, rose from an underprivileged background, stood forth as a sober and
robust figure winning the confidence and respect of the common people.
He showed a rare political acumen and the uncanny ability to
grasp social and political realities from the grass roots level upwards. A
hard core political realist, his political life was never governed by any
high theories or fancy jargon. Accredited with the capacity to be at ease
with cliques, groups, factions and castes, Kamaraj applied his energies in
favour of common people. Endowed with an extraordinary memory, his minimal
formal schooling! was never a serious impediment. In fact rarely could a man
from such a humble origin possess such knowledge about Tamil Nadu, be it
geography or ethnography, which is beyond most intellectuals and
academicians.
Kamaraj rose from the lowest Congress ranks during the freedom struggle to
become the president of the Tamil Nadu Congress Party for over 20 years
(1940-1963) interspersed by short intervals, the chief minister of Madras
(1954-1963) for nine years; and, as the president of the Indian National
Congress (1964-1967), he assumed the crucial role of 'kingmaker'. Kamaraj's
ascendancy is all the more significant because he belonged to the low caste
Nadar community,1 which had a long history of
struggle against social oppression and economic deprivation.
The Nadars, originally known as Shanars, were found
principally in the two southern districts of Tirunelveli and Kanyakumari.
Palmyra climbing and toddy tapping were their traditional occupations. In
the Hindu caste hierarchy the Nadars were ranked very low just above the
untouchables and were forbidden entry into temples because of their
association with alcohol. Mercantilism and Christianity played crucial roles
in facilitating their upward mobility. Within a span of two centuries, they
rose from near untouchability to a position of social and economic power.
Though Kamaraj typified the Nadar success story he never was a leader of his
community2 and transcended the bounds of Nadar
caste identity3 dropping the caste title early
in his political career.
Hailing from Virudhupatti (now Virudhunagar), one of the early settlements
of migrant Nadars, Kamaraj, born in 1903 into an ordinary small scale Nadar
business family, was a school dropout at the age of 11 and for a number of
years never had steady and proper employment. Kumaraswamy Kamaraj evinced
interest in politics at the age of 15 when the news of the Jallianwala Bagh
massacre reached his ears. Responding to the call of Gandhiji's
Non-Cooperation Movement, Kamaraj entered the freedom struggle as a Congress
volunteer organising meetings, processions and demonstrations. He soon found
an abiding place for himself in the Congress ranks as a gritty grass roots
level, full-time worker and mass leader of the Congress; and he was
imprisoned a number of times for actively participating in the freedom
struggle. He spent a total of eight years in British Indian jails during six
spells of imprisonment.
When the Brahmin dominance in the Tamil Nadu Congress leadership4
was firmly entrenched and the rivalry between the two key Brahmin leaders, C
Rajagopalachari and S Satyamurthi, was brewing, Kamaraj wove his way into
the top echelons of the Tamil Nadu Congress organisation as the
representative of the non-Brahmin enclave. The 'Brahmin image'5
of the Congress found its affirmation at the hands of Rajaji when he
introduced compulsory Hindi in schools in 1938 when he was the chief
minister.
This move was met with resentment and brought about an open
confrontation between him and E V Ramasamy in 1938. A massive anti-Hindi
agitation was launched by E V Ramasamy unleashing a vehement onslaught on
the nexus between Rajaji, the Brahmin and Hindi, the 'Aryan language of
oppression'.6
The statewide anti-Hindi campaign involved picketing schools, picketing in
front of Rajaji's residence and hunger strikes. E V Ramasamy was arrested in
December 1938 and imprisoned for a year.
This confrontation sharpened the conflict between the
non-Brahmins and Brahmins within the Congress organisation. The agitation
was continued till Rajaji had to opt for making Hindi an optional subject in
schools in February 1940. At this crucial moment, Rajaji's candidate, C P
Subbiah, was defeated by K Kamaraj with the support of the Brahmin leader,
Satyamurthi. Kamaraj was elected as the president of the Tamil Nadu Congress
in 1940, the post which he held till he became the chief minister of Tamil
Nadu in 1954.
The advent of Kamaraj as the party boss from a low caste non-Brahmin
background made a "powerful appeal to the vast non-Brahmin majority" and
attracted the non-Brahmin elites and the political-minded elements "who had
long resented the power and privileges" of the Brahmins, and broadened the
social base of the Congress.7
The non-Brahmin presence in the Congress gained ground, rallying around
Kamaraj, a 'rustic' leader who transformed the Congress into a people's
party championing the causes of the lower castes. Kamaraj grew steadily from
strength to strength displaying his organising skills to control men and
matters. During these years his contact with the people and the respect he
commanded made his position unassailable. The untimely death of Satyamurti
in 1943 improved his position and gave him a further lease of power. With
the Congress machinery under his control, he overshadowed his party men and
effectively reduced the Brahmin dominance in the party.
As the party chief, Kamaraj commenced his active role in the successive
elections of the Congress legislative party of Madras and was the prime
author of installing three chief ministers between 1946 and 1952: T Prakasam,
Omandur Ramaswamy Reddiar and Kumaraswamy Raja. The next successor Rajaji
was certainly not Kamaraj's choice but was appointed by the Congress high
command. The re-entry of Rajaji as chief minister8
without even an election could have derailed Kamaraj's emerging equations
with non-Brahmins. The die was cast when Rajaji, flaunting his authority,
introduced a vocational educational scheme based on hereditary calling,
which met with stiff opposition not only from the Dravida Kazhagam and
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, but also from a large number of non-Brahmins in
the Congress quarters. This educational pattern, aimed at imparting to
school children the traditional caste occupation of their parents, came to
be condemned by E V! Ramasamy as kula kalvi thittam, devised to perpetuate
varnashrama dharma. Rajaji also took the drastic step of closing down nearly
6,000 schools, citing financial constraints.9
E V Ramasamy campaigned against the new educational policy much to the
chagrin of Rajaji. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), formed in 1949 by
breaking away from the Dravida Kazhagam, also joined the crusade against
Rajaji's scheme. E V Ramasamy did not rest on his oars till the scheme was
dropped. This second confrontation between them proved too costly for Rajaji.
Rajaji, the statesman of Brahmin hagiography, had to bow out ingloriously
tendering his resignation in 1954. Rajaji's political vagaries in 1938 and
1953 meant the passing of Brahmins as the controllers of Tamil Nadu's
political destiny till the next four decades. With the resignation of Rajaji,
Kamaraj was perhaps the natural and logical choice. At the meeting of the
Congress legislature party on March 31, 1954, with Rajaji presiding, his
arch rival and the target of his ridicule10
Kamaraj was elected as the leader, securing 93 votes as against 41 received
by C Subramaniam who was propped up by Rajaji.11
Kamaraj as Chief Minister
Kamaraj was 'reluctant to accept' the chief ministership but the
circumstance prevailed upon him as there was no 'alternative to the
kingmaker himself ascending the throne.'12
Kamaraj took the mantle from Rajaji, and formed his first cabinet, which did
not contain a single Brahmin contrary to Rajaji's first ministry in 1937,
'dominated by Brahmins'.13
The elevation of Kamaraj as the chief minister on the wave of opposition to
the Rajaji scheme of education, led to the development of closer ties
between Kamaraj and E V Ramasamy. The Congress gained the support of E V
Ramasamy and Kamaraj's equation with the non-Brahmins was kept intact. E V
Ramasamy was all set to endorse his solidarity with Kamaraj on the grounds
that in all these years he was the first and only non-Brahmin with Tamil as
his mother tongue to become the chief minister; and for the first time a
full-fledged ministry had been formed without a single Brahmin headed! by
Kamaraj.
According to
E V Ramasamy all credit should go to Kamaraj
for dropping Rajaji's educational scheme despite opposition from upper
castes led by C Subramaniam and Bakthavatchalam who were in favour of it.14
Extolling Kamaraj as the pacchai Tamilan he urged his followers to extend
every support to sustain the Kamaraj rule and prevent it from being ousted,
as the interests of Tamils were safe in his hands.15
However, Kamaraj did not follow the exclusion of Brahmins as a deliberate
policy. In fact, Brahmins were incorporated into his ministry at a later
stage, one of the prominent gainers being R Venkataraman.
For Kamaraj, E V Ramasamy's open proclamation of support was a great
source of strength, arriving precisely at the right moment when he himself
was under pressure since doubts were being echoed in certain circles whether
Kamaraj, a low caste man without formal education, would be able to cope
with the administrative exigencies of the office of chief minister.16
For Kamaraj, seasoned for the occasion, E V Ramasamy's endorsement was an
unmistakable political gain and he saw its usefulness in countering his
critics. Soon Kamaraj proved his capabilities as one of best chief ministers
silencing the critics and sceptics. Kamaraj silently used the non-Brahmin
movement in his favour though he did not 'share Periyar's anti-Brahmanism'.17
E V Ramasamy's crusade against brahmanism, religion and the threat of
imposition of Hindi from Delhi would continue unabated under Kamaraj's rule
only so long as it did not weaken Kamaraj's ministerial governance. Kamaraj distanced himself from Ramasamy and his followers when the mode of
agitation culminated in a call for burning the national flag (August 1,
1955), maps of India and copies of the Constitution.18
One of the first political acts of Kamaraj during his tenure as chief
minister was to widen representation of the rising non-Brahmins in the
cabinet. Ministerial berths were given to the non-Brahmin caste-based
parties, Tamil Nadu Toilers Party and Commonweal Party. Both the parties
were subsequently 'subsumed' by the Congress.19
In a move to counter Tamil cultural politics espoused by the DMK, Kamaraj
made conscious attempts to partake in the linguistic cultural matters. In
order to placate Tamil aspirations, Kamaraj effected some measures.20
The efforts towards introducing Tamil language as a medium of instruction in
schools and colleges was accompanied by the publication of textbooks on
'scientific and technical subjects' in Tamil.21
In 1960 the state education minister took steps to introduce Tamil in
government arts colleges as a medium of instruction.
The introduction of the Tamil typewriter in government
offices was another effort to change the language of administration
gradually.22
Similarly the usage of Tamil in the courts received encouragement. To affirm
his role in the linguistic politics of the state, Kamaraj did introduce a
bill in February 1962 in the legislative assembly for changing the name of
Madras to 'Tamilnad' for 'intra-state communication', the bill also
proposing Madurai as the capital.23
But no decision was taken on it. However these moves were on a low key and
inadequate to woo the masses. The DMK made capital out of this, routing
Congress in the 1967 elections four years after Kamaraj relinquished his
office as chief minister in accordance with the Kamaraj Plan to concentrate
on Congress organisational work.
Committed to his version of 'socialism' meaning that "those who are
backward should progress", Kamaraj remained truthful to the simple dictum of
his 'socialism', providing 'what is essential for man's living' such as
'dwelling, job, food and education'.24
The great feature of Kamaraj rule was the ending of the retrogressive
educational policies and setting the stage for universal and free schooling.
Six thousand schools closed down by Rajagopalachari were revived and 12,000
schools added.25
The percentage of school going children in the age group between 6 and 11
increased from 45 per cent to 75 per cent within a span of seven years after
he became the chief minister.26
Almost every village within a radius of one mile with a
population of 300 and above inhabitants was provided with a school.27
With a view to encouraging and attracting the rural poor children to the
schools Kamaraj pioneered a scheme of free mid-day meals for primary school
children in panchayat and government institutions.28
This scheme, aided by the American voluntary organisation CARE, was launched
in 1957.29
In addition the government came forward to supply school uniforms to poor
students.30
To make the education easily accessible to children from various
backgrounds, full exemption from school fees was introduced. Public
enthusiasm and participation in raising funds and procuring equipment for
the schools were entertained through different schemes making education a
social responsibility.31
Such measures made education affordable for many who were denied basic
educational opportunities for centuries.
Kamaraj's other major feat was his role in facilitating developmental
programmes chiefly electrification and industrial development. Thousands of
villages were electrified. Rural electrification led to the large-scale use
of pumpsets for irrigational purposes and agriculture-received impetus.
Large and small-scale industries were flagged off generating employment
opportunities. Kamaraj made the best use of the funds available through the
Five-Year Plans and guided Tamil Nadu in deriving the maximum benefit.
His efforts in these directions not only enhanced the
profile of Tamil Nadu as one of the best-administered states in the
post-independent era, but it also raised it high in social and economic
rankings compared to other states.32
As chief minister for nine years Kamaraj headed a stable administration and
managed two elections successfully and his reputation soared high as 'shrewd
and competent' and "one of the most effective chief min! isters in India."33
He proved himself more than equal to the task and his detractors retracted
the statements made about this 'village-green trundler'34
and his capacity to govern the state when he took the mantle from Rajaji.
His competent ministerial colleagues and the excellent set of senior state
officials saw in Kamaraj 'a man with a mission' who could set aside any
stricture in order to serve the common people. He was able to invoke
cooperation, dedication and willingness ungrudgingly. Importantly his
approach to governance and party control was never tainted with religious
overtones and a secular commitment was natural and integral to his mission
in life. Among his cherished political mentors, Kamaraj held George Joseph,
a Kerala Christian nationalist who chose Madurai as his base for practising
law and for his political activities, in high esteem.35
Kamaraj's association with George Joseph began early and
grew in strength from the days when Kamaraj frequented political meetings
addressed by George Joseph in Virudhunagar.36
It continued through the period of his involvement in the Vaikom Satyagraha
then led by George Joseph, to the organising of demonstrations against the
Simon Commission along with Joseph. It was George Joseph who defended
Kamaraj and got him released when he was accused of making bombs and
implicated in the Virudhunagar Conspiracy case. Profoundly fond of George
Joseph and his family, Kamaraj continued to pay visits to the Joseph family
especially his wife Susannah, even with his busy itinerary as chief
minister.
His lifestyle never changed; power and position failed to dislocate his
simplicity. His illustrious career as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu ended
in 1963 and he commenced his political life in Delhi as the president of the
All India Congress Party. Explicating Kamaraj's long stint and stature in
Tamil Nadu politics, reputed political scientist, R Bhaskaran, observed:
"Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich;
he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time
politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and
things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his
party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English
and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely
popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and
leads a simple life. Above all he is the 'representative' Tamil as most
Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and
dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar
ways with nothing outlandish about them."37
Bhaskaran's judgment is indeed right. That is
certainly the reason why the beleaguered Congress in Tamil Nadu is wooing
the Tamils today with the promise of 'Kamaraj Rule.'
Most know why it cannot promise a 'Rajaji Rule.
Notes
1 Lloyd I Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, The
Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India, The University of
Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1972, (Third Impression), pp 36-49.
2 Duncan B Forrester, ' Kamaraj: A Study in Percolation of
Style,' Modern Asian Studies, 4, 1, 1970, p 47.
3 Dennis Templeman, The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An
Indian Caste in the Process of Change, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1996,
p 262.
4 Ibid, p 48.
5 Karat Prakash, Language and Nationality in Tamil Nadu
Politics, Orient Longman, Madras, 1973, p 78.
6 Ibid, p 78f.
7 J Anthony Lukas, 'Political Python of India', New
York Times, February 20, 1966.
8 Rajaji was out of Congress between 1942 and 1946,
disapproving Congress Party's Quit India Movement and its initial opposition
to the demand for Pakistan.
9 Era Rathina Giri, Thanthai PeriyarVazhvum Thondum,
National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1997, p 70.
10 Prabhanjan, 'Kamaraj Engira Acharyam', Inthiya Today,
July 30, 2003, p 46.
11 Rajmohan Gandhi, The Rajaji Story 1937-1972, Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1984, p 252
12 Duncan B Forrester, 'Kamaraj: A Study', p 53.
13 Ibid, p 54.
14 'Kamarasar Atharipu Ean?,' Viduthalai May 15, 1954, in
Periyar EVR Sinthanaigal, p 829.
15 'Kamarasar Atharipu Ean?,' Viduthalai June 1, 1954, in
Periyar EVR Sinthanaigal, pp 832-35.
16 Chinna Kuthusi Thiyagarajan, 'Ainthanduth Thittangal
Kalamum Kamarajin Porkala Atchyum', Thittam, Vol 33, No 11, July 2003, p 2.
17 Anita Diehl, Periyar E V Ramaswami: A Study of the
Influence of a Personality in Contemporary South India, B I Publications,
Madras, 1978, p 73f.
18 Mohan Ram, Hindi against India: The Meaning of DMK,
Rachna Prakashan, New Delhi, 1968, p 92f.
19 Lloyd I Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, The
Modernity of Tradition, p 88f.
20 Karat Prakash, Language and Nationality, p 80.
21 Narendra Subramanian, Ethnicity and Populist
Mobilisation: Political Parties, Citizens and Democracy in South India, UP,
New-Delhi, 1999, p 16.
22 Ibid.
23 Robert L Hardgrave Jr, 'The DMK and the Politics of
Tamil Nationalism', Pacific Affairs, 1965, p 409.
24 J Antony Lucas, 'Political Python', p 52.
25 Chinna Kuthusi Thiyagarajan, 'Ainthanduth Thittangal',
p 2.
26 Ibid, p 3.
27 Ibid, p 2.
28 The Hindu, August 8, 2003, p 10.
29 P S Subbaraman, Kamaraj: Symbol of Indian Democracy,
Popular Prakashan, New-Delhi, 1966, p 23.
30 Ibid.
31 Chinna Kuthusi Thiyagarajan, 'Ainthanduth Thittangal',
p 3f
32 P S Subbaraman, Kamaraj: Symbol, p 19f.
33 Duncan B Forrester, Kamaraj: A Study, p 53.
34 Rajmohan Gandhi, The Rajaji Story, p 251.
35 George Gheverghese Joseph, George Joseph: the Life and
Times of a Kerala Christian Nationalist, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2003, p
224f.
36 John Asirvatham, Ganthiya Perunthalaivar Kamarasar,
International Institute of Tamil Studies, Madras, 1991, p 5.
37 R Bhaskaran, 'Aspects of Political Leadership in
Madras Politics', Sociology of Politics: Tradition and Politics in India,
Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1967, p 50. |
