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Tamils have a De Jure State
The Tamil Mirror - 7 April 2007
The Tamil Mirror interviewed Ms. Parker in March 2007. Tamil Mirror: The Sri Lankan Government is denying food and medicine to the
Tamil people in the North and East of Sri Lanka to the extent of starving
them. Why are the UNHCR and other Human Rights Organizations not raising
their voices?
Karen Parker: In my view, the relative quiet of the international community
is in part due to very, very strong pressure from the parties that have an
interest in the disposition of Tamil Eelam, most notably the US. As you
know, UNICEF, an organization that should be especially vocal due to the
situation of Tamil children, has traditionally been headed by an American.
Given how discussions about various aspects of the crisis have unfolded, I
think it’s fair to at least raise the possibility of undue pressure from the
US government on UNICEF. If so, it would be rather unconscionable in the
face of near starvation. UNICEF is certainly on full notice about the
crisis.
A second problem is that the Special Representatives for Children and Armed
Conflict sent a delegate who focused almost exclusively on the child soldier
issue and did not adequately address the other five items under the mandate.
At the same time, the Security Council’s Working Group on children and armed
conflict also, in my view, gave undue attention to child soldiers at the
expense of the other five issues in its recent review of Sri Lanka.
I never truly have understood, however, why so many other countries would go
along with this agenda at the expense of the Tamil people and why the UN
forums or personages, who finally do speak up, are so vague. There is no question when a statement is made about Darfur: what’s at stake,
who the perpetrators are, who the victims are. If a catastrophe forces a
statement from UNICEF or the High Commissioner or the office of the
Secretary General or some entity such as the UN’s humanitarian disaster
office, their statements are so vague that you actually read the statement
and not know that the perpetrator is the government of Sri Lanka, the
victims are Tamil civilians (in many instances children) and you don’t
really have a sense of the degree of violation of armed conflict law the
incident represents. I haven’t seen anything like that in any other
conflicts and it is very, very, very disturbing to me.
TM.: Again five students in Trincomalee were executed, 18 Aid Workers were
killed in Muthur, Tamil Children were bombed in Sencholai and Families were
massacred in Mannar. Will the United Nations ever stand up or speak up for
the plight of the Tamils?
K.P: I certainly hope that the UN speaks up. Following some of these
catastrophes I came to the conclusion that in fact the overall situation is
in fact a genocidal attack on the Tamil people. I addressed the High
Commissioner and the Secretary General’s Special Advisor on the Prevention
of Genocide in this light. I raised it that way because to me it should be
impossible for the UN to fail to react and I believe I made the case rather
well, that it was genocidal. My first communication was in January, and I haven’t received a reply yet
from the High Commissioner or the Special Advisor, although a previous
communication from me and one of my colleagues received a reply from the
Special Advisor. I submitted a written statement to the UN Human Rights
Council informing them that I had sent this letter and giving an abbreviated
version of the letter, published as A/HRC/4/NGO/43.
When the situation is at this level of gravity I just cannot fathom the
silence and the failure to act. I think there needs to be a real serious
questioning by the international community as a whole, and certainly by the
Tamil people, in the face of ethnic cleansing, murders left and right,
forced eviction, starvation, bombing of children and other civilians, and
absolutely racist comments against the Tamil people in the Diaspora, against
the Tamils in Sri Lanka and certainly against the LTTE.
This is taking place in the context of the stridently anti-Tamil political
parties in the south. It is so unconscionable that I expect to have at least
some nudging towards more balanced treatment in the future. I did let the
Secretary General’s special advisor and the High Commissioner know that we
were very aware that anytime people express any concern for the Tamils or
concern about acts of the government of Sri Lanka, they will be publicly
attacked by the Sri Lankan government.
A recent example involves Alan Rock, the former Canadian Minister who was
supposed to be investigating six elements relating to children in armed
conflict. Sadly, he only investigated child soldier, which I consider to be
a low priority issue in light of the situation of Tamil children as a whole.
My statements at the UN and elsewhere are also attacked in rather strong and
shrill accusations by the government of Sri Lanka. But by accusing the
government of this in my statements quiets them down a little bit because
they don’t want to allow me to win the point. At last year’s
September/October session, the 2nd session of the new Human Rights Council,
the way I phrased that comment in a way that seems to force the Sri Lankan
government to tone down their response to me.
Still, the Tamil people in Sri Lanka and in the Tamil Diaspora need some
strong support from a strong government. Norway and Iceland try to be
balanced in their mediation role but they are two relatively small countries
and Norway is a NATO country. The pressure of the European Union countries
to put LTTE on the terrorist list was, I believe, pushed in order to get the
other three Nordic countries off the Sri Lanka Monitoring mission. This
definitely weakened the possibility for the Tamil civilian population to be
properly represented with only two relatively weak countries rather than the
whole Nordic block involved. I think the Tamils need to understand that
targeting may very well have been to weaken the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission
and to keep the sympathy for the Tamil people as pressured as possible.
There is a big Tamil Diaspora that could be putting pressure on other
governments that haven’t yet proscribed. I’m interested perhaps even New
Zealand joining the fray. I’m working to have Tamil communities in Germany
and France, along with non-Tamil friends, pressures those governments to
resist the EU banning and to have a more balanced view of the situation.
I frankly think success will be dependant on whether international community
tries to contain the US. Again, in my view, it is the US that is actually
behind all this pressure on the UN and other governments to prevent them
from taking a fair position. As they become more aware of this there may be
a showdown between the International Community and the US over Sri Lanka. TM: So, do you think this is because the US is using this pressure that the
Sri Lanka is saying that they are fighting terrorism or they have some other
motives such as Trincomalee Harbour and other interests in Sri Lanka?
I think the US has clear interest in Trincomalee Harbour as a potential navy
base for US outpost and I think the US has indicated a clear interest in
Palali Air field. American officials have visited there, I assume to check
it out, so to speak.
The US is in a very difficult position in other areas of the world where
they had expected to have their normal influences intact, specifically in
Latin America. This particular administration and the previous Reagan/Bush
administration have had an agenda to monitor and control the international
petroleum shipping routes, the production of new fields, etc. The US clearly
now seeks rapid military strike capacity against basically any place in the
world. Without Sri Lanka providing navy ports and air fields, the US has a
severe disadvantage in that part of Asia and the Caucuses. I think the use of the ‘terrorist card’ is calculated and intentional. The
US knows that it is really an armed conflict but they use the ‘terrorism
card’ to their advantage. But a situation in which there is armed violence
is either an armed conflict or terrorism. It cannot legally be both. The US is using the terrorism to intimidate other countries, to intimidate
non-governmental organizations, humanitarian aid organizations, and to
prevent any sympathy for the Tamils to gain a foothold. Imagine telling the
American Red Cross that they can’t distribute post -Tsunami aid in the Tamil
areas, even though it is under the Sri Lankan government’s control. That is
certainly targeting the Tamils in a completely unacceptable way.
TM. Tamils are concerned that many Tamil villages were bombed with
multi-barrel Rockets and the International Community was silent. But when
there is a bomb blast in Colombo or in Southern Sri Lanka they swiftly
condemn the LTTE. Will they ever be impartial?
K.P: What we have is an
impasse in Sri Lanka in every area. I have no problem with multi barrel
rocket launchers. It just depends on where they’re going. If they are going
to the military positions then there is no violation. If they’re heading to
a civilian village then it’s a crime against humanity.
The International Community responds in a rather lock step way. If there is
an incident against one Sinhala, the headlines, if there is an incident
against 1000 Tamils it might get a –mumble/grumble grudging sentence.
I think the statements made by the US and others after serious war crimes
committed by the Sri Lankan government are clearly reluctant mumbles: they
do not really express concerns because they never even identify the
perpetrator or the victims. The innocent bystander reading such
pronouncement could clearly conclude that the LTTE carried out the operation
and that the victims are Sinhala. I think that is purposeful. It has to
stop.
TM: The Sri Lankan government de- merged the North and East provinces and
collaborates with the Karuna group to try to occupy the Tamil lands in the
East controlled by the LTTE. These acts are in clear violation of the Cease
Fire Agreement (CFA). Now, the LTTE leader has declared that the
“uncompromising stance of Sinhalese Chauvinism has left us with no option
but an independent state for the people of Tamil Eelam.” Is the Tamil
peoples’ freedom struggle justified?
KP: Absolutely. Particularly now in the phase of what I consider a genocidal
situation that is not receiving the proper attention and condemnation from
the International Community. In my opinion, the only sane solution to this
problem is succession and severance. The Sinhala clearly cannot live with
the Tamils. They insist on taking away their lands, destroying their land,
raping their women, starving their children. How can people live under these
circumstances?
The Sinhala have had almost 60 years to show the International Community
that they can have a multi-ethnic state and all they have shown is that they
can have a Sinhala state with an oppressed minority. I think after 60 years,
time is up!
In my view, because of the right to self- determination, the Tamil areas
belong to the Tamils. It is their land. The civilian government and the
military force- the LTTE- have a right de jure (by law) to this State.
Their presence in their own land is not de facto and their government is not
a de facto one.
What is the difference between De jure and De facto?
De jure means “by law.” Applied to land and States, if the land is legally
your land and you are present and govern in your land, you are the de jure
State. De facto means “by fact.” The Sri Lankan government’s occupation of
part of the historic Tamil Eelam is de facto. They are there by the clear
facts on the ground but they don’t have the legal right to it. So, their
governance over Tamil land is not de jure.
I know the LTTE has used the terms the other way around when they maintain
that they have a de facto State. But I think the Tamils have a de jure
State: they have the right to self-determination, the Tamil lands are those
lands attached to that right, they are present in their land and they have a
Tamil civil administration governing it. This is a de jure State. The Tamil
people, of course, also have a de jure right to the Tamil lands under
control of the government, but they are not now in control of them.
T.M: But the government can say that just as President Mahinda Rajapaksa
said recently that the government is providing medical facilities, food and
education to the Tamils even in the LTTE controlled area:
K.P. That has nothing to do with whether one has a legal right to the land and a
legal right to being a State. In many countries aid goes over borders. If
the government of Sri Lanka is going to completely isolate and trap Tamil
Eelam they have to provide some sort of humanitarian access. You cannot just
encase people alive in that area and have those all die. We see the kind of
genocidal policies that are forcing Tamil people away from more and more of
their traditional areas. What is officially, legally Tamil Eelam is being
wittled away in a de facto way. It is not legal. If the Tamil people have a right to Tamil Eelam, and I think they do, then
they have a right to all of Tamil Eelam and they will always have a right to
all of Tamil Eelam. But these little territorial gains that have crippled
the ability of Tamil Eelam de jure state to exist can never ripen into
sovereignty for the Sri Lankan government. They’re faced with that dilemma,
and they do everything to get the conversation into their own terms. So,
they use the trivial excuse that they provide some aid into the Tamil areas
as in some ways eliminating the Tamil claim to self-determination. That
cannot be. It just is not legally possible.
T.M.: All the Foreign Diplomats in Sri Lanka know about these Human Rights
Violations. The President wants a military solution to the Ethnic Problem
and yet no ones want to speak about it?
K.P: It’s back to the same problem: the pressure, especially by the UN, on
the international community to keep the discussions on terrorism and counter
terrorism rather on the war.
The fact that former government ministers are speaking out is similar to
when during the dirty war in Argentina. Nobody could budge the generals,
they had strong international support from the US and others who helped put
them in power. But there was kind of the court of shame. There comes a
point, if people have any humanity left, they are no longer willing to
participate in a genocidal plan and they will step out.
I think the fact that former ministers in Sri Lanka have said anything, even
in a guarded way, is an indication that the court of public shame has had an
effect.
It is very difficult especially for the former foreign minister who played
such a role in going around the world trying to convince everybody to put
the LTTE on the world terrorist list, of course at the request and pressure
from the US government newly inspired by the Rajapakse administration as a
whole, but there comes a point where the cost in lives is just too much and
the will of participants to go along with it weakens.
This happened in the Vietnam War when the US forces higher and higher up in
the military and in the government could no longer stomach first of all, the
day to day lies and second of all, the atrocities being committed by US
forces in Vietnam and that they had intervened. The burden became too great.
We hope the burden becomes too great for these forces in relationship to the
Tamil people before the Tamil people are annihilated. Unfortunately, we are
down to kind of an end game in that scenario: I would want to be optimistic
but this is a situation where there are just too many “ifs.” However having
this court of shame ostracizing the Sri Lankan government because of their
atrocities can happen.
In earlier times, it got to the point in the United Nations where the
Argentinean and Chilean representatives had to walk along the wall so they
would not be confronted. I think we need a lot more strength in the court of
public shame against the government of Sri Lanka.
Unfortunately, the government of Sri Lanka has been given enormous latitude
that neither the government of Chile or Argentina, for example, enjoyed. As
I said in statements to the High Commissioner and at the Human Rights
Council, this is unprecedented: there is no other State that has perpetrated
such a genocidal, abusive, war crimes against another people that has been
allowed to walk right down the middle of the corridor.
T.M: If India wanted to solve this problem it could have been done long time
ago. What do you think that is holding them apart from the Rajiv Ghandhi
killing? This consider to be a Humanitarian issue!
K.P: Well, India is playing a very “wily customer” game and clearly has
geopolitical interests in the disposition of Sri Lanka as a whole and in
certain of the Tamil areas. Rajiv Ghandi got tricked in Sri Lanka. The
intentions originally were in India’s best interest, but this was sabotaged.
I was pretty certain I knew how the sabotage came down and I think in the
long run Rajiv Ghandi came to accept my position on the sabotage and whose
interest played into the catastrophe for India.
In fact I remember when the assassination first occurred most of the Indian
human rights people and Indian groups assumed that it was a CIA job and it
very well may have been, I do not think we will ever know. I don’t care who
is admitting what, the fact that a Tamil was used perhaps is no indication
that the Tamils as a whole had anything to do with it. There are Tamil
quislings. There are Tamils who will do that so that their families will get
huge sums of money from other sources. Families make sacrifices for other
family members. There are all kinds of possibilities in this situation but I
do remember from the very beginning particularity the Mumbai media and
others (I think also The Statesmen) also came out very strongly with concern
that it was CIA motivated: one of these “targeted events” that has occurred
in so many places around the world involving potential political opponents
of especially the US.
From my perspective at the time too, Rajiv Gandhi was the least likely
person to be targeted by the LTTE because he has already flopped in Sri
Lanka: there was absolutely no way that Rajiv Gandhi would be tricked again
in Sri Lanka. So, politically it made no sense for LTTE to make that target.
There are many uninvestigated similarities in the world that we will
probably never know but I have grave suspicions on this particular one.
Subsequently, the pressures from other parties on India to proscribe the
LTTE was very strong. President Bush sojourned through India. He has not
visited many counties but he did visit there and I think there must have
been motivation for some kind of deals in that regard. I don’t know what
these deals were but I am quite sure there was discussion of the Tamil
situation.
The US as we all know wants those out bases and I am sure needed to reassure
India about them. The only other potential place for what the US might have
in mind for the region would be Pakistan and I am sure the government of
India would not want to have major US bases in Pakistan. Having US bases in
Sri Lanka would be more acceptable.
Again I don’t know what occurred. It will be a while before that insiders
will become so upset that they will begin to talk. How this unfolds I am not
exactly sure. There is pressure in India but the pressure in India right now
is not useful to the Tamil cause even with the change of government in Tamil
Nadu. The politicians in the area who should be much stronger are relatively
weak in that there is no pressure in India to take the terrorist label off
the LTTE.
The label is obviously politically done. Why aren’t the politicians saying
“we don’t like that, we resist that.?” In the situation of the Irani
opposition, there was prescription both in the US and, with US pressure, in
the EU. But within both of those bodies there is great pressure to undo it.
For example, in the US more than half the Members of Congress are urging
that the Irani opposition be taken off the list. Because of that the US
government is having a difficult time.
There is no such thing happening in India and there should be. The
politicians should band together and say that it was a mistake to put the
LTTE on the terrorist list and they should take it away.
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