The purpose of the following article is to provide an
introduction to the main points contained within the
discussion document launched at Sinn Fein's 1992
Ard Fheis (national convention) and re-confirmed in
1994. There are 14 sections in the document, each
is an important consideration in devising any peace
strategy.
SECTION ONE: INTRODUCTION
This section outlines Sinn Fein's criteria for a
lasting peace in Ireland. Each section following
takes up and develops the issues lying behind
these criteria.
• An end to conflict does not necessarily lead to
lasting peace and in the context of Ireland has lead
only to new outbreaks of hostilities after a number
of years. A peace process, leading to a lasting
peace, must address the root causes of the
conflict.
• A genuine and sustainable peace process must
be grounded on democracy and self-determination.
SECTION TWO: NATIONAL
DEMOCRACY AND PEACE
This section looks at the role of national self determination,
democracy and democratic
structures which are fundamental to a lasting
peace and how Britain's denial of these rights in
Ireland and the measures it takes to enforce this
policy remain the root cause of the conflict.
• The Irish people have a right to peace: A right to
the political structures which are capable of making
peace permanent; a right to decide for themselves
what these structures might be; and an obligation
to ensure that they serve the best interests of all
the Irish people.
• Peace is not just the absence of war but is also
establishing conditions which will ensure a lasting
peace. This means eradicating the root cause of
the conflict by gaining national self-determination,
which in turn lays the foundation for justice,
democracy and equality - the safeguards of lasting
peace.
• Britain's policy in Ireland is the root cause of the
conflict between Irish people themselves and
between Britain and Ireland; its purpose is to
maintain and protect Britain's interests in Ireland.
British policy denies the fundamental right of
national self-determination and therefore
contravenes the internationally accepted right of
nations to self-determination.
• Britain's policy in Ireland is maintained through
military and political coercion, through partition of
Ireland into Six and 26 Counties, through
gerrymandering to create an artificial unionist
majority in the Six Counties (Unionists make up
20% of the people of Ireland and therefore are a
minority not a majority, in Ireland), through
Protestant privilege, through the unionist veto, i.e.,
Britain's support for the political wishes of the
Unionists.
• Britain claims that the main reason for staying in
Ireland is not to maintain its own interests but
primarily to safeguard democracy; however, to
protect its own interests in Ireland, Britain has
given power of veto over national independence to
a pro-British unionist minority which is in direct
contravention of the principle of national self determination
and is therefore a denial of
democracy itself.
• In reality this means defending and maintaining
the inequality, injustice and the instability which are
the result of a statelet founded on a political system
of political, social and economic privilege.
SECTION THREE: IRISH
SOVEREIGNTY: INTERNATIONAL
LAW & IRISH DEMOCRATIC
RIGHTS
This section outlines examples of the main
historical documents where the Irish people's
nationhood, independence and sovereignty have
been reaffirmed, both in Ireland and internationally.
• In Ireland on many occasions the national
independence that is a unitary state governed by
one government has been declared. Some of those
occasions are as follows:
— The Proclamation of Easter of 1916;
— The Declaration of Independence of the first
Dail, 21 January, 1919;
— The 1937 Constitution, Articles 1, 2, and 3;
— The Unanimous Declaration, Leinster House, 10
May, 1949;
— The New Ireland Forum, May 1984;
— The Dublin government's Minister for External
Affairs, Dr. Patrick Hillary's address to the United
Nations' Security Council, 1969;
— The Hillsborough Agreement, November 1985;
— Dublin Supreme Court in McGimpsey vs.
Ireland, etc.
• In international law the universal principle of self determination
is enshrined in the following:
— The United Nations' International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, 1966;
— The United Nations' International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights;
— The Declaration on Principles of International
Law Concerning Friendly Relations and
Cooperation Amongst States in Accordance with
the Charter of the United Nations;
— The United Nations' Declaration on the Granting
of Independence to Colonial Countries & Peoples,
Article 6;
— The Conference on Security & Cooperation in
Europe, Paragraph VIII.
SECTION FOUR: DIVISION &
COERCION
This section is in two parts: the British strategy of
division and coercion in Ireland as the root cause of
the conflict. It also examines the role of the
propaganda which removes blame for the conflict
from Britain, and states instead that the problem is
divisions among the Irish people - divisions
deliberately fostered by Britain's colonial selfinterest.
This section challenges that Britain is a
neutral force in Ireland. In the second part of this
section the economic effects of partition are
examined.
PART ONE
• Britain has operated the classic colonial divide
and rule strategy in Ireland using partition.
However, British propaganda has masked this
cause of the conflict by distracting attention away
from Britain's role in creating it. The threat and use
of force has supported this British strategy, creating
a state of permanent emergency with the
associated military and judicial repression. For two
decades a 30,000 strong army of occupation has
been deployed, 3,000 people have been killed, and
30,000 injured, the equivalent in Britain of 100,000
dead and over one million injured.
• Britain's arguments for remaining in Ireland are:
responding to "the democratic wishes of the
Unionist majority"; to avoid a "bloodbath" in the
event of British withdrawal; and more recently, that
Britain has no selfish strategic or economic interest
for remaining in Ireland and does so only to keep
the peace (Peter Brooke, 100th Day Speech,
1987).
• However this declared 'neutrality' is contradicted
by Brooke's further statement that the
Conservative party is committed to keeping the Six
Counties as part of the UK. John Hume drew the
conclusion that Britain was neutral and by doing so
placed the responsibility on the shoulders of
nationalists to get Britain to join the persuaders of
unionists to look to national reunification. Brooke
rejected Hume's conclusion.
• The formal British government position,
Conservative, Labour or Coalition, is found in
Clause 1 (a) of the Hillsborough Agreement, 1985
where London and Dublin "affirm that any change
in the status of Northern Ireland would only come
about with the consent of the majority of the people
of Northern Ireland" — thus copper-fastening
partition.
• Since 1973 the British have tried to enlist the
active support of Irish nationalists, the SDLP and
the Dublin government for partition through: The
Sunningdale Agreement, 1973; The Powersharing
Executive, 1974; The Hillsborough Treaty, 1985,
and The Brooke Talks, 1991.
What is being advocated is not peace but simply a
program for political stability and to perpetuate
partition.
PART TWO
The social and economic effects of partition have
been disastrous for working people, North and
South.
• Partition has led to: discrimination in employment;
waste of millions on maintaining the border; the
external dependency of the two states; industrial
under-development; unemployment; emigration;
and poverty.
• Partition has further led to: conservative
administrations in both states; low status of
women; clerical control; stagnation in education
and health provision.
A genuine peace process requires the recognition
of the effects of partition.
SECTION FIVE: CONDITIONS FOR
DEMOCRACY & PEACE
This section deals with responsibility in relation to
the peace process and the criteria by which any
peace process might be judged. It also explores
the process of national reconciliation.
• The search for peace is everyone's responsibility
but particularly those organisations which
represent the people and specifically the London
and Dublin governments. It is also an international
responsibility. The criteria by which any peace
initiative is judged is the degree to which it
promotes national self-determination.
• The elements needed to bring about the
conditions for peace are: a British government that
makes the ending of partition its policy in Ireland; a
Dublin government that has the same policy;
cooperation between the London and Dublin
governments to bring this about in the shortest
possible time with the greatest possible consent
and minimizing costs of every kind; that this be
done in cooperation with unionists and northern
nationalists, i.e. to begin the process of national
reconciliation.
SECTION SIX: ARMED CONFLICT
This section traces the history of the last 20 years
and places armed struggle in the context of
national liberation and colonial struggles
worldwide.
• During the Home Rule crisis of 1912 it was the
British and loyalist forces which threatened and
used violence against the reunification of Ireland.
This was followed by 50 years of state oppression
of the nationalist community including attacks and
pogroms by state forces. In this present phase of
armed struggle, state violence and armed conflict
predated the IRA campaign.
• The Civil Rights campaign of the 1960s was
brutally attacked by the forces of the state, official
and unofficial.
• The British army was sent in not to protect the
nationalists but to shore up unionism in the rest of
Britain.
• From 1969 - 1971, the nationalist community was
subjected to repeated RUC/loyalists/British army
attacks.
• 90% of deaths caused by loyalists have been
civilians. 55% of those killed by the British army
have been civilians.
• Armed struggle throughout history has been seen
as a legitimate part of a people's resistance to
foreign oppression.
• Armed struggle for republicans is an option of last
resort.
• There is no constitutional strategy to pursue
national independence.
• In the circumstances the onus is on those who
condemn the option of armed struggle to advance
a credible alternative.
SECTION SEVEN: BRITISH
GOVERNMENT
This section deals with the reasons why partition
must go and the responsibility of the British
government in persuading the unionists to look
toward a united Ireland.
• There are many reasons why partition must go: it
is anti-democratic; it produces abnormal states; it
has failed and will continue to fail to bring lasting
peace; it produces conflict and the conditions of
conflict.
• Cardinal O Fiach declared that change by the
consent of only those people in the artificial Six
Counties to be "no policy at all...it means you do
nothing...it's an encouragement to sit tight."
SECTION EIGHT: DUBLIN
GOVERNMENT
This section outlines the responsibility of the Dublin
government in the genuine search for lasting
peace.
• The Dublin government has a clear responsibility
in establishing national democracy. It possesses
the resources and access to the world centres of
power. Since the founding of the 26-County state it
has adopted a negative role towards national
democracy, taking up the issue only for electoral
gain.
• Since the Hillsborough Accord it has been actively
involved in supporting partition. A Dublin strategy
for peace must involve persuading: the British that
partition is a failure; the unionists that reunification
would benefit them; the international community to
support Irish national rights.
• Furthermore Dublin be defending the democratic
rights of northern nationalists and resisting any
further erosion of Irish national rights through
diluting of the 1937 Constitution.
SECTION NINE: A STRATEGY
FOR CHANGE
This section outlines Sinn Fein's views on what
needs to be done by both the Dublin and London
governments if they are serious about pursuing a
genuine lasting peace.
• Britain has a responsibility to: recognize the right
of the Irish people to self-determination; change its
current policy to one of ending partition and giving
sovereignty to an all-Ireland government; influence
unionist attitudes to this end; consult with Dublin to
agreement on ending partition.
• If Britain refuses to do this then Dublin should; win
international support for Irish national rights;
mobilise support for this among Irish people and
their descendants living abroad; use every
international forum at its disposal; mobilise in
Britain on Irish national self-determination; initiate
debate with Northern unionists regarding national
reunification; mobilise support in every aspect of
Irish life to secure national independence; review
every treaty with Britain re. such issues as
extradition; organise nationally and internationally
in defense of democratic social and economic
rights; and establish democratic structures through
which the above can be implemented.
SECTION 10: THE ROLE OF
NATIONALIST PARTIES
This section highlights the contradiction faced by
the SDLP and Fianna Fail in their refusal to
challenge the existence of partition and Britain's
responsibility for the current conflict.
• Fianna Fail and the SDLP have considerable
influence in the world power centres'. They could
and should reject the British propaganda view of
"Britain as a honest broker."
• If they believe that partition is not a viable solution
to the conflict, they must firmly reject any proposed
solution which involves partition.
• They should demand that Britain follow to its
logical end the claim that they are neutral and
formally accept the Irish people's right to selfdetermination.
• They should highlight all abuse of human rights in
Ireland and demand that the CSCE should monitor
human rights abuses currently happening in the Six
Counties.
SECTION ELEVEN: THE
UNIONISTS
This section looks at the impact unionists have on
the demand for self-determination and outlines
Sinn Fein's approach to discussion with them in
relation to this.
• Unionists are 20% of the Irish people and have a
considerable impact on the peace process. Peace
requires a settlement between Irish nationalists
and Irish unionists.
• This debate cannot begin as long as Britain
guarantees the continuation of the unionist artificial
majority in the Six Counties. The 'unionist veto'
must be ended. To achieve national reconciliation
the deep rooted fears of people must be
addressed. All gain from a democratic settlement.
SECTION TWELVE: THE
EUROPEAN DIMENSION
This section looks at the various changes that have
been taking place in Western and Eastern Europe
and places Irish reunification in that context.
• The process of political and economic
restructuring which is taking place in Europe has
raised the issue of national self-determination. The
partition of Ireland, anomalous in international law,
should be considered in this context. Many
European governments have already accepted
Irish reunification is a necessity for durable peace
to be established. Already various EC reports have
recognized the 'anomalous' status of Britain's
remaining jurisdiction in Ireland.
• The Conference of Security and Cooperation in
Europe is empowered to carry out checks on
human rights abuses. It should be invited to do so
in the Six Counties.
SECTION THIRTEEN: THE
UNITED NATIONS
This section deals with the role of the United
Nations in resolving conflicts with suggestions as to
how these might be applied in the context of
Ireland. The situation in the North is a failure of the
normal political process and there is little reason to
have confidence in either government's willingness
or ability to resolve the conflict. In such a case it is
possible for the United Nations to be requested to
help with the resolution.
• The United Nations Secretary General and the
UN's Decolonization Committee share a duty with
member states to create the conditions in which the
"freely expressed will of the people concerned" can
be reliably ascertained.
This means, firstly, removing all forms of
repression. In Ireland this would mean the removal
of every barrier created to enforce partition.
• Those concerned with peace in Ireland should
ask the United Nations to: request annual reports
from Britain on its role in Ireland in line with Article
73 of the UN Charter; ask the Decolonisation
Committee to hold an annual review of the toll of
partition.
• Sinn Féin does not support placing UN troops in
Ireland.
• Any deadlocks encountered during the process of
British withdrawal could be assisted towards a
resolution by the United Nations.
• The United Nations could be requested to
convene a conference of all parties involved.
SECTION FOURTEEN: SUMMARY
1. Peace requires the conditions of democracy,
freedom and justice to eradicate the causes of war.
2. The Irish people have the same historical right to
sovereignty and nationhood which is recognized by
international law. Partition contravenes these laws
and frustrates national democracy and national
reconciliation.
3. British rule in Ireland has no democratic
legitimacy and has rested on division and coercion.
They should recognize the failure of partition.
4. The Dublin government should assume its
responsibility in relation to reunification either in
cooperation with Britain or if necessary,
independently.
5. The unionist minority have nothing to fear from a
united Ireland. Removing the veto will open up the
possibility for constructive dialogue.
6. Irish republicans are committed to playing a
constructive role in building national democracy
when the British government finally adopts a policy
of withdrawal from Ireland.
7. The partition of Ireland and the British claim to
jurisdiction over the Six Counties is a European
issue.
8. The United Nations has the authority and
mandate to monitor a decolonisation process in
Ireland. As an interim measure Sinn Féin would
propose that the United Nations monitors partition
and Britain's role within it.
