Introduction
Justice and equality are the two subjects often talked about by most of the
nationalists and leaders of various political and ideological streams across
the world including India. India was at the forefront in condemning racial
discrimination particularly apartheid and also the influence of super
power(s) on the internal affairs of independent nations. Her commitment to
secure its citizens freedom, justice, equality and fraternity is reflected
in the very preamble of the Indian Constitution.
Towards
achieving these challenging goals, special provisions have also been made in
the Constitution to protect and promote the interests of the most oppressed
section of Indian society — traditionally known as Untouchables and
Constitutionally as the Scheduled Castes.
These provisions are expected to alter the given unjust
distribution of power (political and economic) and status (social) among
different sections of people and thereby transform India into an egalitarian
society. Given India’s unequivocal commitment to secure its citizens
particularly the most exploited and pilloried section of India these noble
ideals, we shall attempt here to understand Indian villages, which host over
80 per cent of the Indian population, from the point of view of whether or
not these villages patronise the institution of caste which is in
contravention of these ideals or are these little republics ideal for
realising the said goals and thus to be preserved as they are as claimed by
many social reformers including Mahatma Gandhi.
In the process, we shall also address the question of how
caste has remained unchanged, how it controls social interaction between
higher and lower caste groups and accordingly perpetuates unequal control
over power and status. And most importantly we shall also understand whether
all the Scheduled Castes (lower castes) treat their members as equals or
there is hierarchy, discrimination and practice of untouchability even among
them.
Methodology
For better understanding on the issue of caste and its repercussions, we
shall look into a few Indian villages in States like Tamil Nadu — one of the
southern States of India known for protest against caste system and
supremacy of the Brahmins (highest caste).
The present paper is based on the qualitative and
quantitative data collected from two villages: Akramesi and Keelaparthibanur
located in Paramakudi taluk, Ramanathapuram district of southern Tamil Nadu.
If the taluk town Paramakudi is considered the central
reference point, Akramesi village falls on the north-east side with a
distance of 21 km and Keelaparthibanur on the north-west side with the
distance of 16.9 km. Akramesi village is predominantly inhabited by the
middle or dominant castes (caste Hindus) and the Scheduled Castes over there
were not only numerically in minority but also dependent on the former both
for their livelihood and physical security. This village is surrounded by
many villages with caste Hindus’ dominance.
In contrast, the Keelaparthibanur village is predominantly
inhabited by the Scheduled Castes particularly the Pallar Caste — the high
caste among the Scheduled Castes — and they are also economically
independent. The caste Hindus here are relatively less in number. This
village is surrounded by villages with similar characteristics. The choice
on these two villages is to understand whether or not higher numerical
strength and better economic status of the scheduled castes protect their
self-respect and dignity and also protect them from atrocities.
The details presented in this paper are based on the data collected and
observations made by the researcher during November 1989 to April 1998. The
respondents were the randomly chosen 50 members belonging to Pallar castes
and a few purposively selected leaders of Pallar and high caste from the two
villages.
Caste in
Tamil Nadu
Though Tamil Nadu has 21 districts (1991
census), we may focus only on one district where inter-caste violence has
been a common phenomenon.
Ramanathapuram district - one of the southern districts of
Tamil Nadu - is one of such kind. Castes found in Tamil Nadu in general and
Ramanathapuram district in particular may broadly be grouped into three
categories: Brahmins, non-Brahmins and the Scheduled Castes. While the
Brahmins are considered the highest in the caste hierarchy, the non-Brahmin
castes are considered the middle level castes.
The more visible middle level castes include the land owning
castes such as Vellalar, Ahamudayar (Servai), Maravar (Thevar), Kallar,
Konar (Yadavar) and the Telegu speaking Naidus; trading castes such as
Chettiyar, artisan castes like Kusavar or Kuyavan (Potter), Kotthan (mason),
Thachan (carpenter), Kollan (blacksmith), Thattans or Nahai Aasari
(goldsmith); and the servicing castes such as Ambattan (barbers) and Vannan
(washermen). The more visible castes among the Scheduled Castes in
Ramanathapuram district are the Pallars, Parayars and Chakkiliyars.
While most of the Brahmins strictly observe vegetarianism, most of the
middle level castes except the Vellalar and to some extent the Chettiyar do
not adhere to such restrictions. It may be noted that adhering to
vegetarianism is one of the ways by which one asserts his/her superior
position in the caste order. Among the meat eating Hindus, the beef eaters
are considered to be inferior to mutton eaters and even to pig eaters. Even
today these middle level castes maintain, not fully in urban areas, complete
distance from the Scheduled Castes. Of these middle level castes, a few such
as Ahamudyar, Maravar and Kallar together known as Mukkulathor (three
castes) are relatively more visible particularly in Ramanathapuram district
as they are not only owners of cultivable land, large in number and more
assertive but also known for committing atrocities on the Scheduled Castes.
The relationship between the higher castes and the lower ones has always
been very hostile and in such relationship the losers are often those at the
bottom of the caste ladder and the gainers are those above due to, as stated
before, unjust and unequal distribution of power and status. Any attempt on
the part of the lower ones to alter the given power positions is met with
dire consequences.
These include the murder of a Scheduled Caste leader
Shri Thiyahi Imanual at Paramakkudi town and 42 Scheduled Caste persons
at Mudukulathur in Ramanathapuram district in 1957, of 44 Scheduled
Castes at Keelavenmani in Tanjaur district in 1968, 5 at Unjanai in
Pasumpon
Muthuramalingam district in 1979 and 16 at Vilupuram in Chengalpat
district in 1983. Besides, there were a number of murders of the
Scheduled Castes at Kudaloore and Vilupuram in Chengalpat district in
1987 and at Podi in Madurai district in 1988. In 1992 two more persons
were killed at Paramakkudi in Ramanathapuram district
2.
The higher lower caste and higher castes: Pallars
To
understand the coercive nature of the caste system and the kind of caste
discrimination faced by the lower castes, we shall focus on the Pallar
caste. The Pallar caste is considered to be the highest caste among the
lower or the Scheduled Castes and lower caste among the higher castes or the
caste Hindus in Tamil Nadu. The Pallars (people belonging to the Pallar
caste) constitute the largest among the 76 Scheduled Castes of Tamil Nadu.
According to 1981 census, out of the total Schedule Caste population
excluding the Adi Dravida — a category consisting of number of Schedule
Castes — the Pallars constituted the maximum with 27.60 per cent followed by
the Paryar with 22.96 per cent, the Chakkiliyar with 14.29 per cent and the
Arunthathiyar with 11.81 per cent. A majority of Pallars (33.4%) reside in
Thanjavur district followed by Madurai (21.2%) and Ramanathapuram (about 3%)
districts. Puthira Vannan Caste is considered to be the most polluting caste
among the Scheduled Castes as for generations they have been washing clothes
of other Scheduled Castes.
Genesis of
Pallars
The Pallar caste is said to be the ancient
community of Tamil Nadu. The people of this caste are considered to be the
great cultivators especially of wet land of Tamil country. The term Pallar
seems to have been derived from the word Pallam, meaning a pit or low-lying
region. Since wet land is usually found in low lying area and the Pallars
were often engaged in cultivation of such land, they came to be known as
Pallam and latter as Pallan and Pallar.
It is argued with sufficient support of literature that the
Pallars of today were actually known as Mallar belonging to the Dravidian
race about 2300 years back and were the rulers of Tamil country during the
14th – 15th centuries. It is also asserted that they are the descendants of
Pallavas who were ruling the Andhra and Tamil countries once. Since they
were known for charity, heading and presiding village panchayat meetings and
being kind, they were referred to as Velalar; and for their ability to
control flood, they were kudumban. Putting all these qualities together, the
Mallar (Pallar) call themselves Devendra Kula Velalar. There are over 84
branches among Pallars. The Mallar were called Pallar only after 15th
century by more powerful tribes from other parts of South India with a view
to degrading their social status.3
Caste relation among Pallars and those above
Perhaps
due to their glorious past and their origin as rulers, the Pallars have been
militant in opposing discrimination of every kind. Though the Brahmins and a
few upper level middle castes such as the Vellalars and Chettiyars treat the
Pallars as untouchables, the latter do not consider them as their opponents
or direct enemies. For them the real opponents are a few middle level
dominant castes such as the Ahamudayar, Maravar and Kallar who indulge in
open violence against them. This is evident from the fact that throughout
Tamil Nadu most of the incidence of violence against Pallars have been
perpetrated by these castes only.
Talking to a Pallar man of
Nedumbuli village near Paramakkudi town in the State of Tamil Nadu, it was
found that the caste Hindus like the Maravar did not allow the Scheduled
Caste women including the Pallar women to wear blouses but only sari to
cover their breasts. By this covert means the caste Hindus compelled the
Scheduled Caste women to expose their breast to their lust. As this practice
was in use for a long time, the Scheduled Caste women did not even develop
the habit of wearing blouses. This continued till early 1950s particularly
in villages like Nilayambudi village near Paramakudi. Even at the time of
this study we found many elderly women not wearing blouses and covering
themselves only with sari.
Untouchability in villages
We shall now focus on the
magnitude of caste discrimination and untouchability as experienced by the
Scheduled Castes in general and the Pallar caste people in particular
residing in the two villages: Akramesi and Keelaparthibanur. As stated
earlier, Akramesi is one of the villages where the middle level castes
(caste Hindus) were large in number and their domination over the Scheduled
Castes in general and Pallar in particular was very much prevalent even
during this study (November 89 to April 98). Out of 696 households in this
village, the Scheduled Castes consisting of the Pallars, Parayars and
Chakkiliyars accounted only for 25 households and the rest belonged to the
caste Hindus, of whom Marvar caste alone accounted for as many as 500
households. There is not even a single village around Akramesi in about 15
km radius with high concentration of Pallars or other Scheduled Castes.
It is surprising to note that many of the observations made as early as 1952
regarding the nature and magnitude of untouchability practised in villages
4 were found to be true even at the time of
present study. Both economic and political powers were intact in the hands
of Maravars and Ahamudayars - the two middle level dominant castes.
All the Scheduled Castes including Pallars did not have land
of their own and depended on the former both for their livelihood and
physical security. Education for the Scheduled Caste children was generally
discouraged. At the time of this study, only one Pallar had studied up to
standard XI. Despite having a driving-licence, he had to remain jobless.
Whenever he applied for a job or for a loan from the government, the caste
Hindus with their easy access to all the officials right from the village
panchayat to panchayat union, Tahsildar office and post office did every
thing possible to disqualify him for the job and retained him in the village
itself.
None of the Scheduled Castes were allowed even to
walk through the residential area or through the village's main street
running through the residential areas of the dominant castes. They had to
walk a long way along the periphery of the village to reach their huts. They
were not allowed to enter any of the village temples visited by the caste
Hindus and had no right to perform any rituals even outside the premises of
such temples. The Pallars had a separate temple (but open to all castes)
called Maravar Mahan, meaning son of Maravar (the dominant caste).
The name of this temple itself indicates that the caste
Hindus were equal to a god and the Scheduled Castes had to respect and
worship them. The Pallars had to address the caste Hindus only as sami
(God), whereas even a ten year old caste Hindu boy addressed the Pallar man
of 80 year old by his name or even by his caste in a derogatory manner
because of his superior caste status. This is also true in the case of using
the community well meant for all castes.
The Pallars were prohibited from fetching water from this
well on the pretext that their vessels and buckets would pollute the water
by their touch. The pond used by the caste Hindus for bathing was not even
to be approached by the Scheduled Castes. Each Scheduled Caste had its own
burial ground located far away from that of the caste Hindus and they were
not allowed to take funeral processions through the main street of the
village.
At tea stalls owned by the caste Hindus, the Pallars
were provided with tea or water in separate glasses locally known as vattai.
Any Scheduled Caste person intending to have tea at such tea stalls was
expected to pick-up the vattai kept separately for them at one corner of the
stall and show it to the person preparing tea, who would then pour it into
the vattai from a distance. They were also expected to wash the vattai on
their own and leave it where it was picked up from.
While the Pallars were to sit on the ground — many a
times out side the stall — the caste Hindus were served tea on benches
inside the tea stall. The Pallars were also prohibited from riding
bicycle. They were expected to place their towel in their armpit while
addressing the caste Hindus and not on their shoulder, the usual
practice. The dhoti (white cloth with a thin coloured border) they wore
was supposed to cover their legs only upto the knee and not their legs
completely as it would cause an insult to their high caste Hindus. These
restrictions were applicable not only to the Pallars and other Scheduled
Castes of this village but also to all the Scheduled Castes visiting
this village.
Besides, the Pallars were expected to do all manual works
outside the premises of the caste Hindus' houses both during auspicious and
inauspicious occasions. In return they used to get either a meagre amount of
wage or a meal. They were generally expected to carry the food to their home
or they had to eat at the backyard of the house only when the entire
function was over. Sometimes, they were given nothing for their services.
Those trying to question the caste Hindus and disobey their demands were met
with dire consequences.
The common punishment for such disobedience was nothing less
than tying the person to a street lamp post or a tree situated within the
village premise and beating him in public till he collapsed. One of the
respondents (a youth of 14 years old) told that a few years ago his elder
sister was raped in a broad daylight at his hut in front of many fellow
Scheduled Castes for informing the Collector of Ramanathapuram district
about the practice of the caste discrimination in his village.
Despite the fact that this youth was one of the active
communist party members in the village and has also sought the help of a
local communist party leader, he did not get any help from the comrade since
the leader was a caste Hindu and his loyalty was more towards his fellow
caste men than towards the proletariat which is what emphasised in the party
ideology. The police station situated in a small town about 5 km away from
this village was of no use for the Scheduled Castes as none in the police
station paid any heed to the heinous crimes committed against them. The
Pallars from nearby villages, being numerically in the minority and living
in a similar situation, never dared to come to their rescue.
When the researcher interviewed the Akramesi's Village Kanakku Pillai
(Village Administrative Officer or the person in charge of maintaining all
village records) and enquired about the practice of untouchability in the
village, he was told to his surprise that the Scheduled Castes did not have
any such problems, and there had been a very cordial relationship between
them and the caste Hindus.
He was also told by the Village Administrative Officer not
to go to the village personally for such information as he could provide
every information about the village and the condition of Scheduled Castes
over there. When the researcher insisted that there were problems between
the Scheduled Castes and caste Hindus and hence he would like to visit the
village personally to take stock of the situation, the Village
Administrative Officer sarcastically said, "you go there, you will get
'everything' from the caste Hindus". What he meant was that the researcher
would be beaten up by the caste Hindus if he insisted on knowing the
practice of untouchability over there.
On the whole, the
Scheduled Castes including Pallars in this village had to lead a very
inhuman life. There seemed no commitment and genuine efforts on the part of
the government officials to ensure the physical security and enhance the
economic status of the Scheduled Castes therein. While this was the
condition of the Pallars in general, the condition of the Parayars and
Chakkiliyars was still worse. The Pallars treated the Parayars as
untouchables and so were the Parayars towards the Chakkiliyars. Social
interaction among these castes was very limited. Inter-dinning and
inter-caste marriages between them were also prohibited.
What
is important at this juncture is to find out why the magnitude of caste
discrimination faced by the Pallars has been very high in this village.
Based on certain observations and information collected from the respondents
and village leaders, the major reasons for the same are:
a) not only within Akramesi village, are the non-Brahmin
dominant middle castes numerically dominant but the village is also
surrounded by these caste people and the Scheduled Castes are very few
in number and also economically dependent on these dominant castes;
b) the Pallars of Akramesi village are economically
dependent on the dominant castes in and around the village;
c) the police station located at about 2 km away from
this village is of no use to the Pallars and other Scheduled Castes as
it is dominated by the non-Scheduled Castes who are often against their
interest. And they get no support from their fellow caste people from
nearby villages; and
d) none has completed even school education in this
village and most of them have remained ignorant of their rights and
privileges.
In contrast, in Keelaparthibanur village the Scheduled Caste
population particularly of Pallar caste is large in number and they stand
much ahead in every respect. The caste Hindus here could not discriminate
the Pallars in any form. Unlike Akramesi village, Keelaparthibanur is
divided into two hamlets.
The Pallars reside on the southern side in one hamlet
locally known as Keelavadakur and the caste Hindus in another hamlet known
as Melavadakur located a furlong away on the northern side. At the time of
this study, the Pallars were more in numbers with 130 houses against only 92
houses of the caste Hindus. Most of the Pallars were land owners and some
worked as share croppers on the land of Vellalars in the same village and
also in the Parthibanur town located just two km away. Some of them worked
merely as agricultural labourers.
Though there was no Brahmin in this village, the Pallars
often happened to go near the Brahmins when they visited other villages and
the nearby town. It was found that prior to Independence, the Pallars were
never allowed to enter the residential areas of the caste Hindus
particularly of the Brahmins. Whenever a Brahmin came out of his house, no
Scheduled Caste person was expected to come in his vicinity as it would
pollute his sanctity and if it happened by mistake, he would go back home
cursing the latter. He would come out once again only after taking a bath
and making sure that no such thing would be repeated.
However, as a mark of protest a few Pallars of this village
deliberately used to appear before the Brahmin again and again. By doing so
the Pallars forced the Brahmin to get back home once again to take a bath
drawing water from deep well. From 1960 onwards, most of the Brahmins left
the villages selling off their land and other properties and settled in
nearby towns. They did so not only because their services in villages were
no more considered essential but also because of the necessity that stemmed
from their educational achievement and employment prospects in towns.
Though the Pallars interacted with and had access to the residential areas
of the Vellalars who are next to the Brahmins in the caste hierarchy, the
former were denied entry into the houses of the latter. They had to wait at
the thinnai (corridor) of the Vellalar houses. The Vellalars did not accept
even water from the Pallars. However, the Pallars did not protest much
against these kind of discriminatory practices on the pretext that the
Vellalars had extended financial help to them whenever needed. Yet, their
younger generation did protest against Vellalars by requesting their parents
not to have any relation with them and cultivate their lands any longer.
Though there was no Chettiyar caste (goldsmith) in this
village, even in the 1 950s the Pallars interacted closely with these people
living in the nearby towns like Parthibanur, Paramakkudi and Manamadurai in
the process of buying and mortgaging gold ornaments. The Chettiyars did not
overtly prevent the Pallars from entering their shops as they were looking
for customers to enrich their business and, hence, entertained both the
caste Hindus and the Scheduled Castes. Since their shops were located only
in town, there was no opportunity and also no need for the Pallars to visit
their residential areas. The Thachchans (carpenters) from other villages had
no problem in extending their services to the Pallars of this village to
earn their livelihood. But they would not accept water from their houses.
They preferred water fetched directly from the well in a vaali (a metal
bucket). Many a times they brought their food with them but sometimes they
cooked food then and there, accepting uncooked rice and fresh vegetables
from the Pallars.
About 25 years ago, the Pallars had faced
yet another problem. Till late 1960s the services of the Ambattan (barber)
and Vannan (washermen) — considered to be above the Pallars in the caste
hierarchy — were not available to them both within the village and in the
nearby towns. The two castes extended their services only to the caste
Hindus. Pallars, therefore, had to depend on the Chakkiliyars for
hair-cutting and the Puthiravannans or Puthiravannars for washing their
cloths. The Ambattans and Vannans refused to entertain the Pallars and other
Scheduled Castes in their work place (service centres/shops) with a fear of
loosing customers from the caste Hindus and their higher status in the caste
hierarchy.
However, the situation started changing since early 1960
onwards when the Pallars started asserting their rights and protesting
against such practices. The Ambattans and Vannars could not resist this
pressure from the Pallar youth who had been to colleges and also worked as
government officials, a few of them as engineers and doctors. The caste
Hindus also could not do much in this regard. These services were then
extended to all castes. Presently, the Pallars do not consider in any way
the Ambattans and Vannans as their superior, and for all practical reasons
they do not interact much with one another except in the hair-cutting and
laundry shops.
The Pallars of Keelaparthibanur village
consider the Maravars and Ahamudayars their real opponents as stated
earlier. They think that they are in no way inferior to the latter. The
Pallars in this village are more advanced in terms of their educational and
economic status. They also do not depend on these castes for their
livelihood. They fierce fully resist and retaliate whenever the caste Hindus
demonstrate their caste superiority in any manner. About 15 years ago,
Maravars discriminated the Pallars in every possible way and the latter had
to adhere to all such unjust practices. However, over a period of time they
began to protest in overt and covert forms. Most of such incidents
culminated in the form of a major caste violence between the two castes
although none of them could claim a total victory over the other.
Further, prior to 1975 the Pallars did not have access to take a bath in the
common pond located at the Melavadakur. But they fought against the caste
Hindus and took up the matter with the police. Despite stiff protest by the
caste Hindus, the Pallars succeeded in getting access to the pond. Moreover,
in the late 1 970s Mr. K. Ukkirapandyan — one of the Pallars from this
village — got elected to the State Legislature from the Paramakkudi reserved
Constituency.
In the late 1980s, the President for the Keelaparthibanur
panchayat union was Mr. S. Malaichamy, a Pallar from this village. Besides,
this village also had one Mr. A.K. Karupaiah whom most of the Pallars of
this and nearby villages turned to for help whenever there was caste
conflicts and threat from the caste Hindus. Karupaiah could take up caste
issues boldly since he enjoyed the support of a few leaders of the Congress
(I) Party. The caste Hindus then had no courage to discriminate against them
overtly. Whenever they attempted to do so, they were not spared.
However, both the caste groups soon reconciled their
enmities towards each other and began to interact cordially. Although within
the village the Pallars supported various political parties, they got united
whenever the status and power of their caste was threatened by the caste
Hindus. For all practical reasons, both the Pallars and the caste Hindus
tried to maintain a cordial relationship towards each other. A few caste
Hindu leaders did eat with the Pallars during the weddings of latter to
demonstrate their ‘unbiased’ attitude towards them and to ensure their votes
but, in general, inter-dinning and inter-caste marriages between them are
never tolerated.
It may be noted that though the Pallars were
primarily engaged in agriculture, in a few villages like Kalaiyur, located
on the southern side of Paramakudi town at a distance of 9.4 km, one or two
very elderly and economically poor Pallars had been doing, for decades
together, the job of digging burial ground. When asked “why” they said, "we
do this work for the caste Hindus not out of fear or caste inferiority but
as we do not want to displease them. After all, they have helped us
financially at times of crisis". Moreover, doing such a job ensures them a
handsome amount of Rs. 20/- to Rs.35/-. Elsewhere, the Pallars do not
consider such work demeaning and perform without any inhibition
5.
The above narration of the
nature and magnitude of caste discrimination experienced by Pallars in both
types of villages has brought to light a few important points. Though in
most of the villages the Scheduled Castes are spread in small numbers, there
are villages exclusively made up of Pallars. Most of the Pallars own land
but their socio-economic status is not the same in all villages.
While there are villages like Akramesi where most of the
Pallars were illiterates, do not own even a half acre of land and depend
totally on the caste Hindus for everything, there are villages like
Keelaparthibanur where most of the Pallars own land (a few of them own more
than 10 acres of wet land), comparatively more of them are literate and have
also achieved political power.
And caste Hindus can never look down upon them. But in
villages of the former type, they are humiliated in all possible ways and
yet they can never raise finger against the caste Hindus. It may, therefore,
be hypothesised that in villages where Pallars are in the majority, most of
them are also educationally advanced, economically independent to a great
extent, politically conscious, well mobilised and powerful enough to fight
against the caste Hindus perpetrating atrocities on them. The situation is
just the opposite in villages where they are in the minority. To test this
hypothesis, we need to look into a greater number of such villages which is
not the purpose of this paper.
Untouchability among Scheduled Castes
Another aspect
of this paper is to bring to light whether or not there is hierarchy among
the Scheduled Castes and if so the nature of caste discrimination and
untouchability suffered by those at the lower levels of caste order. As
stated earlier in Ramanathapuram district, the more visible castes among the
Scheduled Castes are Pallars, Parayars and Chakkiliyars. Evidence discerned
from the thirteenth century Tamil inscriptions indicate that the Parayas or
Parayars were closer to the bottom in the caste hierarchy and were engaged
in diverse fields of activities.
The term parayan is derived from the Tamil word parai (drum)
as certain Parayars act as drummers at funerals and village festivals
6. They are also engaged in cultivation,
grass cutting and weaving. The fifteenth century literatures indicate that
the Parayars were also engaged in tanning and skinning leather which in the
view of classical or Brahmanical Hinduism is considered to be defiling and
polluting
7. During the eighteenth century they also
worked as tank-diggers, construction workers, servants, transport workers
and a few as soldiers in armies. This period has been described as the
'golden age for Paraiahs' 8. The Parayars
worship the common Grama Devta (village deity) such as Ellamma, Mungilamma,
Padaiyattal or Pidariyamma 9.
Although in the southern part of Tamil Nadu the Parayars are considered
below the Pallars in the caste hierarchy, in the northern part particularly
in Thanjavur district the Parayars do not acknowledge the latter’s supremacy
over them. Whatever be the history of the Parayars, in Ramanathapuram
district most of them are, in the present days, merely landless labourers.
Compared to the Pallars, they are still fewer in number in most of the
villages of this district.
For earning their livelihood, they continue to do their job
of playing drums on both auspicious and inauspicious occasions of the caste
Hindus and Pallars as well. They also earn their livelihood by making and
selling certain palm leaf household items. Though in the past they seemed to
have engaged in diverse fields of activities which had no social stigma,
their association with leather works and drum beating, and their habit of
eating beef seemed to have had a greater impact in pushing them down the
ladder of caste.
The Pallars in most of the villages of this
district consider themselves to be above the Parayars in their social status
and also treat them as untouchables. They allege that the Parayars side with
the caste Hindus during caste clashes and, hence, even label them as
betrayers. They use the Parayars as symbol of abuses although the only major
difference between them and the Parayars is that the former refrain from
eating beef while the latter relish it.
Falling next to the
Parayars in the caste hierarchy are the Chakkiliyars. They form an
appreciable number in the district. Though no literature seems to be
available to indicate their historical origin, it is maintained that they
might be immigrants from the Telugu or Kanarese districts. Their gods
include Madurai Veeran, Mariamma, Muneeswara, Draupathi and Gangamma. By
taking into account the kind of caste status they have been ascribed to and
the life style they have been leading for the last several decades, it may
be said that the Chakkiliyars are even below the Parayars in the caste
hierarchy. It is believed that they originally held a high position in the
caste hierarchy but were latter degraded10.
Their traditional occupations are sweeping, scavenging and removing the dead
animals, tanning and making foot wear. They also play drums and a wind
instrument which looks similar to shenoy — a famous north Indian musical
instrument and is usually played by higher caste people for auspicious
occasions. In some villages, Pallars prefer the Chakkiliyars instead of the
Parayars to play drums on the occasion of their Kula Deivam (clan God)
festival although they do not allow the latter inside their temple. However,
the Parayars’ interaction with Pallars is very limited.
The
Chakkiliyars sweep the streets of the Pallars and, in turn, get food from
them. They take away the dead cows, bulls and other cattle of Pallars,
remove their skin for making drums and consume their meat. They relish beef
and pork. All these activities and habits are considered by the upper castes
and the Pallars to be dirty, defiling and polluting. Hence, the Chakkiliyars
are looked down upon. They have not challenged so far the caste supremacy of
the Pallars over them in any way. In general, the inter-dinning and
inter-caste marriages between them and the Pallars are prohibited although
the intensity with which these restrictions are observed varies from place
to place.
The Kuravan or Kuravar caste is found to be on par
with or slightly above the Chakkiliyars in the caste hierarchy. Kuravars
form the sixth largest Scheduled Caste population both in Tamil Nadu and in
Ramanathapuram district. They make certain household items out of bamboos
and palm leafs and sell them to earn their living. They hunt birds and rear
country pigs (black pigs) both for their consumption and sale. They also
hunt cats from the village side for consumption. Some of them work as
fortune-tellers. Since they use the trained Kili (parrot) to predict the
fortune of the people, they are also known as kili josiyars. However, they
do not go to any other castes asking for food. They are also not required to
perform any inauspicious tasks and rituals for other Scheduled Castes. The
Pallars consider them as lower caste although they have no means to
demonstrate their caste supremacy over them.
The people of
Puthiravannan caste are traditionally the washer-man for the Pallars. They
collect the Pallars’ used clothes and get them washed; some time they also
get the washed clothes ironed. For this service, they are entitled to
collect food from the Pallar families. At the end of the year they are also
given four to six marakkaal (a cylinder shaped metal container used for
measuring the quantity of food grains) of paddy (each marakkaal would
contain about four and a half kilograms of paddy). Besides, whenever a
Pallar girl attains puberty, the women folk of Puthiravannan family take
possession of the used clothes. They wash these clothes and use them.
Similarly, the man who performs inauspicious rituals on the occasion of
death of a Pallar is entitled to some money (usually ranging from Rs.2/- to
Rs. 15/-). Also, he takes away the new dhoti (the white cloth specially
designed for man to wear below the waist) tied soon after giving bath to the
dead body and covers it with another new dhoti given to him by the close
relative of the deceased person. If the deceased person happens to be a
woman, bathing and changing of the dress is done by the Puthiravannan women.
However, the rituals are usually performed by their men.
How Pallars Remain Superior to Other Scheduled Castes
Though like the Parayars, Chakkiliyars and other Scheduled Castes, the
Pallars have also been segregated from the main village habitats, they enjoy
a superior status among the Scheduled Castes. It is, therefore, important to
understand the socio-cultural and economic reasons which keep them superior
among the Scheduled Castes particularly in Ramanathapuram district. A number
of studies11
have indicated about the prevalence of caste discrimination among the
Scheduled Castes themselves. However, these studies have not looked in
detail at the reasons behind such discrimination.
The Pallars
have a few traditions which make them different from and also superior to
other Scheduled Castes. Compared to Parayars, they are more aggressive,
socially and politically conscious, more militant and better organised. This
difference is also mythologically expressed since the Parayars claim a
Brahman ancestry, while the Pallars are closer to a fierce and warlike
middle level castes like the Kallar caste and associate themselves with a
more martial tradition12.
In recent years, the militant Pallars claim their descent
from the God Indira. Secondly, while the Parayars prefer to call themselves
Harijans, the Pallars tend to refer to themselves by their caste name so
that they are not amalgamated with other lower castes. Besides, the very
name 'Pallar' is not as shameful as other untouchable caste and it is not
associated with any defiling occupations.
Though the Parayars are involved in diverse fields of
activities, they continue to be associated with certain occupations like
drum beating. Similarly, the main traditional occupations of the Kuravars
are such as rearing pigs, hunting cats and birds, and also fortune-telling.
All these occupations are considered to be degrading, defiling, and
polluting except agriculture and allied activities in which primarily the
Pallars are engaged13. That is why, the
Pallars have been defined as a class of agricultural labourers14.
Accordingly, the Pallars are held high in the Scheduled Castes hierarchy but
all other Scheduled Castes are looked down upon by them. Moreover, they have
the history of being the rulers of Tamil country during 14th – 15th
centuries.
The Pallars maintain their caste superiority also
by means of not eating beef which the other Scheduled Castes do. They
do so for two reasons: first, like the caste Hindus they consider beef
eating as taboo and sin, and feel that eating beef is below their social
status. Second, since the main occupation of most of the Pallars is
agriculture and allied activities, they depend completely on the cows and
bullocks for ploughing their lands and for transporting their goods.
As stated earlier, these animals are indeed part and parcel
of their social and economic life and, therefore, they have a sentimental
attachment and sympathetic attitude towards them and thus refrain from
eating the meat of these animals. It may, however, be noted that some of the
educated Pallars who are used to metropolitan life style have adopted the
habit of beef eating and have also developed better and friendly relations
with other Scheduled Castes. But they are discouraged from eating beef when
they get back to their village. In general, the Pallars particularly in
Paramakkudi taluk of Ramanathapuram district are also not fond of eating
pork which the Parayars and other Scheduled Castes do. A few elderly ones
eating pork are ridiculed in public by Pallars themselves calling them,
Kattak kaalu, meaning short leg or pig. A few Pallars who reared pigs were
indeed laughed at by others and as a result they had to give up pig rearing.
The Pallars are considered to be superior to the Chakkiliyars and
Puthiravannar also because of certain give-and-take relationships prevailing
among them. For instance, those Chakkiliyars and the Puthiravannars staying
at the village itself collect food from the Pallars once or twice on almost
all days they work. The Chakkiliyars and Puthiravannars come over there on
both auspicious and inauspicious occasions with bigger containers to collect
the left-over food. Moreover, the Puthiravannans are entitled to collect
every year about six marakkal of paddy from every Pallar’s family. They also
serve as messenger for the Pallars particularly for passing on to other
villages the inauspicious information such as death. On such visits most of
the times they are fed by the Pallars receiving the message and in some
cases they also get a small quantity of food grains like paddy and raggi.
The Pallars give them water or food not in their own glasses
or plates but in padi (a small size marakkal) and that too in the thinnai
(corridor). They in principle discourage the Parayars, Chakkiliyars and
Puthiravannar from wearing sandals within their villages. Unlike other
Scheduled Castes, the Pallars depend neither on the caste Hindus or nor on
the other Scheduled Castes for their living. After all, ritual status alone
cannot keep a particular caste in a particular position in the caste
hierarchy. A strong economic base is equally important15.
It may however be noted that such discriminatory practices among the
Schedules Castes are not common in all the villages. They are more in
villages like Akramesi and less in villages like Keelaparthibannur.
The
Changing Scenario
Though the above mentioned
observations are applicable to the Pallars in general and the studied
villages in particular, there has been a considerable decline in the last
two decades in the rigidity with which these restrictions are observed and
adhered to particularly in villages with high concentration of their
population. For instance, in Keelaparthibanur village the Pallars have
become relatively liberal in their interaction and social relations with the
other Scheduled Castes.
Now, the Parayars and Chakkiliyars — considered to be lower
to the Pallar caste — do wear sandals while they are in the residential
areas of the Pallars. With the initiatives of some of the liberal minded
educated Pallar youth, the other Scheduled Castes do participate even in
auspicious occasions of the Pallars such as wedding. Here, it is important
to note that in the Parthibanur town no caste Hindu visited the saloon run
by a Chakkiliyar as it was opened for the Pallars who had no access to the
Ambattan’s saloons which were meant only for the caste Hindus. With their
newly achieved education and government employment, most of the Pallars
preferred entry to the Ambattan’s saloons causing closer of the
Chakkiliyar’s saloon.
Usually, both Puthiravannars and
Chakkiliyars are not allowed to eat along with the Pallars. They eat only
when all the guests have had their meals. Though in both types of villages
participation of the other Scheduled Castes in the Pallars' auspicious
occasions is restricted, this has been relaxed in the recent years
especially in villages like Keelaparthibanur. With the initiatives of the
young educated Pallars, the other Scheduled Castes are now allowed to dine
with the Pallars on all occasions. In a few Pallar houses they are also
served food in the plates used often by the younger members of the family.
Moreover, the educated young Pallar boys and girls from
villages with high concentration of their caste invite their upper caste
school and college mates to their home on important occasions. Knowing well
that their parents would ask about the caste background of their friends,
the host Pallar students generally conceal the caste background particularly
of their lower caste friends. They do so fearing that their parents would
insult their lower caste friends in some way or the other. In general, the
young educated Pallars from such villages do not expect the other Scheduled
Castes to adhere to the old customs and practices and remain subservient to
them for ever. This of course is a rare practice and very often the elderly
ones in the family express their unhappiness over it. But such interaction
can never happen in villages with less concentration of Pallars. In fact, in
such villages when the Pallars' expected demands are not met and
restrictions are violated by the other Scheduled Castes, the former punish
them with the support of the caste Hindus there.
Separate
Villages
The experiences of Pallar caste people in
the two villages — one having high and another having a lower concentration
of the Scheduled Caste population — clearly endorses What Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
said once. He said that in India each village is a “place of contest between
the Hindus who are economically and socially strong and the untouchables who
are economically poor and numerically small”16.
He further says that in this contest the Untouchables are always at bay
specially for two reasons.
Firstly, they and the caste Hindus are unequally matched as
far as their numerical strength is concerned; they are scattered into a few
families in each village all over India. Secondly, they are a disunited body
infested with the caste system in which they believe as much as do the caste
Hindus. This has given rise to mutual rivalry and jealousy and made common
action impossible17. And therefore he
suggested:
“It is the system of village plus the Ghetto which
perpetuates untouchability and the untouchables therefore demand that the
nexus should be broken and the untouchables who are as a matter of fact
socially separate should be settled into separate villages exclusively of
untouchables in which the distinction of the high and the low and of
touchable and untouchable will find no place”18.
This important suggestion of Dr. Ambedkar has deliberately been ignored by
the responsible citizens of India so far. More often than not precisely for
this reason atrocities on the Scheduled Castes are in the rise and the
Indian villages continue to remain a domain of injustice, oppression and
exploitation and have never been little republics as claimed in the past. At
this juncture what Andre Beteille has said is worth noting:
“ -- in India everyday social life is still governed
substantially by the hierarchical attitude and sentiments carried over
from the past. The awe for those who are superior by birth or social
position (higher caste) and the contempt towards social inferiors (lower
castes) are equally wide spread in the rural and urban areas and among
the educated and the uneducated”.19
Reflecting on his latest film Samar (conflict), a rich,
multi-faceted exploration of caste system, the noted Indian film director
Shyam Benegal endorses it by saying that India lives in so many centuries at
the same time. He further says, “we don’t even realise how deep-rooted our
caste prejudice are. We respond to a person’s caste, rather than his
humanity20. This indeed reiterates the fact
what Dr. Ambedkar once articulated:
No civilised society of
today presents more survivals of primitive times than does the Indian
society. Its religion (caste as well) is essentially primitive and its
tribal code, in spite of the advance of time and civilization, operates in
all its pristine vigour even today21.
Conclusion:
Though India is legally bound to make justice, freedom, equality and
fraternity a reality, the foregoing discussion clearly brings to light that
in Indian villages the concept of freedom articulated by the Indian freedom
fighters and that enshrined in
the Indian Constitution seems meaningless
for the Scheduled Castes. It is so viewed in the light of continuing
practice of untouchability and increasing number of atrocities on them
in villages and the fact that they still remain the much exploited section
of Indian society despite number of protective and development measures to
safeguard their interests. What is happening in many Indian villages is in
fact inhuman and unjust.
The efforts of Government through
the Reservation Policy and protective measures to educate, provide
employment, empower the Scheduled Castes politically and provide an
opportunity to voice their grievances in State Legislature and Parliament
and also to protect them from all kinds of injustice and exploitation have
not yielded the desired results. Why? It is primarily because the executives
of these measures do not favour them as these would not only dilute the
power and status of the upper caste but also raise scope for those deprived
to enhance their power and status position.
This in turn would ultimately challenge the supremacy of the
upper caste. It is also due to the fact that the number of those controlling
bureaucracy and those enjoying political power are greater among the higher
caste Hindus compared to the Scheduled Caste people. This number has to be
reversed at least for some decades if at all we want a balanced power
positions between the oppressing and oppressed caste groups. But as long as
the present village setup — with the caste Hindus having a complete control
over the Scheduled Castes — continues, this change can never happen.
What is most important of all is reconsidering the suggestion of Dr.
Ambedkar that a socially distinct community should be allowed to settle in
separate villages so that within such villages there is no scope for any one
to label another as untouchable or lower caste. Only in such separate
villages can the so-called lower caste people also experience freedom which
India got five decades before. Besides, a fire spewing urge to fight for
their rights, self-respect and dignity and a strive for coming together
across their religious, regional, linguistic, sub-caste and ideological
differences have to be consciously nurtured. Unless this is achieved, the
empowerment and the emancipation of enslaved Indians would continue to
remain a distant dream.
Notes
1 The author teaches at
Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Sion-Trombay Road, Deonar, Mumbai 400
088. E-mail:
ramaiah@tiss.edu
2 See Ramaiah, A.
Protest Movement and Scheduled Caste Identity: The Impact of
Constitutional Provisions on Scheduled Castes in Selected Villages of
Tamil Nadu, Ph.D. Thesis, CSSS/SSS, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New
Delhi 1998, 92.
3 Guruswamy, S. Tamil
Ilakkiathil Pallar (Mallar) Devendra Kula Velalar, Mandram, Coimbatore
(Tamil) 1993, 392; also see Ramaiah (note 2), 1998, 70-73.
4 Gough, Kathleen E. “The Social
Structure of Tanjore Village”, in: M.N. Srinivas (ed.), Indian villages,
Asia, Bombay 1969, 90.
5 Deliege, Robert. “At
the threshold of Untouchability: Pallars and Valaiyars in a Tamil
Village”, in: C.J. Fuller (ed.), Caste Today, Oxford University Press,
Delhi 1997, 77.
6 Government of Tamil
Nadu, Gazetteer of India: Tamil Nadu State- Ramanathapuram District,
Madras 1972, 154.
7 Karashima, “The
Untouchables in Tamil Inscriptions and Other Historical Sources in Tamil
Nadu”, in: H. Kotani (ed.), Caste System, Untouchability and the
Depressed, Manohar, New Delhi 1997, 23-4.
8 See Washbrook, “Land and labour in
the late eighteenth century South India: The Golden Age of Pareah”, in:
Peter Robb (ed.), Dalit Movements and the Meanings of Labour in India,
Oxford University Press, Delhi 1993, 78-80.
9 Government of Tamil
Nadu (note 6), 154.
10 Government of Tamil
Nadu (note 6), 155.
11 Gough, K, (1969),
Andre Beteille, Caste, Class,and Power:Changing Patterns of
Stratification in a Tanjore Village, University of California Press,
Berkeley 1971; Moffatt, M, An Untouchable Community in South India:
Structure and Consensus, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1979.
12
Deliege, Robert (1997), 77; Mosse, D., Caste, Christianity and Hinduism:
A study of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad, Unpublished
D. Phil. Thesis, University of Oxford, Oxford 1985, 356.
13 Deliege, Robert
(1997), 77.
14 Thurston, E.,
Castes and Tribes of Southern India (7 volumes), Government Press,
Madras 1909, 472.
15 Beteille,
Andre,“The Social Structure of an Indian Village”, in: M.N. Srinivas
(ed.), India’s Villages, Asia, Bombay 1969, 6.
16
Ambedkar, B.R., “States and Minorities: What are their rights and how to
secure them in the Constitution of free India”, in: Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 1, Government of Maharashtra,
Bombay 1979, 426.
17 Ambedkar, B.R.
“Their Wishes are Laws unto Us”, in: Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Writings
and Speeches, Vol. 5, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay 1989, 265-66.
18 Ambedkar, B.R.
(1979), 425.
19 Beteille, Andre.
Trials of Democracy: Primacy of Customs over Law Times of India, April
29th, 1999.
20 Benegal, Shyam.
“Actors are not like brushes in the painter’s hand: they talk back”,
Times of India, May 2nd 1999.
21 Ambedkar, B.R. “Annihilation of Caste”, in: Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 1, Government of Maharashtra,
Bombay 1979, 9.
